We Want an Independent, Liberated, Socialist Iraq
Saddam Hussein
Republic of Iraq
Ministry of Information Documentary Series (39) 1979
Reproduced by Al-Moharer.net
October 2008 in Memoriam of the Martyred President Saddam Hussein
TEXT OF COMRADE SADDAM HUSSEIN'S
SPEECH AT THE PLENARY MEETING OF THE COMMITTEES OF THE PROGRESSIVE PATRIOTIC AND NATIONALIST FRONT ON JUNE 7, 1975
Dear Comrades
On behalf of the Front's leadership I greet you and hail your great struggle; each through his position and through his organizations and all of you within the general context of the common struggle for realising the big and great aims set forth by the Front's charter.
Since our last meeting, important and big developments took place in the country, in the area and in the world. When we talk about our footholds we should not forget the relationship of this foothold with what is going on in the world — because of the great technological advances and rapid communication in the world and after the world began now to pass through a stage of formation of the fundamental pillars in foreign policies which it did not pass through ever since the end of World War II. After all that, we see that events are gaining momentum and that the revolving of the earth is accelerated in as much as it is related to the efforts made to form special policies which may affect the international policy, its foundation and significant impacts.
We should, therefore, not single out any regional or local issue as having special position without finding the relationship between that issue and what is going on in the world.
In this place nearly a year ago, we have met and talked about the stooge pocket, the pocket of the agent renegades. We predicted its collapse. We predicted the victory of the forces of Revolution, liberation and democracy in this country.
Today as well, we are meeting after this victory to reconfirm that these forces will emerge victorious in their march for implementing the social programme and for consolidating the line of liberation in Arab politics as well as in international politics as provided for in the National Action Charter.
When we want to talk about the counter-revolutionary forces we should, in the first place, be sufficiently clear about what we want. Since knowledge of the will of the revolutionary patriotic and democratic forces in this country will pave the way for us to know the reaction of the counterrevolutionary forces. Consequently, if we wanted nothing, the counter-revolutionary forces will also have nothing to react to, except within the traditional limits. When we want to realise aims of strategic revolutionary ambitions we are required to expect that counter-revolutionary forces correspondingly want counter aims; quite different in direction, intention and interest.
In short, we want an independent, liberated and socialist Iraq. Furthermore, we want Iraq to play a vanguard role in the area, particularly in the Arab homeland. We want Iraq to play a pioneering role in consolidating the anti-imperialist line of policy on the international level. Thus, we want Iraq and want it as a nonaligned country, except for its alignment with the masses against their exploiters, alignment with the forces of right against the forces of falsehood, alignment with the right attitude against the wrong attitude — alignment constantly against imperialism.
How does imperialism behave as we expect and what behaviouris required from us in a counter manner?
We are all aware of the defeats inflicted upon imperialism in 1974 and in the first half of 1975. Imperialism was kicked out from Portugal and South East Asia. The peoples of South East Asia scored the decisive victory and inflicted not only a material defeat on imperialism but a major moral one in South East Asia and in the world at large. The will of the people of Portugal scored victory in the very strongholds of imperialism—in the imperialist alliance, the NATO alliance.
It is not new if we say and conclude the defeat of imperialism and the triumph of the peoples' will. However, it should be estimated in advance where the will of peoples will be victorious and where imperialism will be vanquished. As far as the will of our people is concerned, imperialism was defeated in this country by uprooting its mouth and the pocket in the highlands, which was intending to undermine the entire Revolution in Iraq; It is rightly branded therfore as the stooge counter-revolution pocket. It was not only a pocket for turncoats on the highlands but also a pocket of renegades against the Revolution and its principles in general, its policies and lines as well as against its revolutionary forces with their various ranks.
It acted as a harbour for imperialism in this place. It planned for the imperialist "warships" to infiltrate and strike at the Revolution from the closest point.
The victory of the Revolution's will and yours over the stooge pocket is regarded as a victory for the world revolution everywhere, just as the victory of the revolutionaries in South East Asia was a victory of revolutionaries everywhere.
When imperialism scores a victory somewhere, it boosts the morale of its agents and its social, ideological, military and economic mainstays. When it suffers defeat in various places the imperialist main-stays suffer a great moral and psychological frustration. Imperialism, as we conceive it, when defeated in the places we have just noted, certainly thinks of raising partly the morale of its agents and mainstays in the world in general through dealing out blows specially planned for this end and for other well-known traditional ones. When imperialism is defeated in South East Asia, in Portugal, in Iraq in the centre of the flaming oil area of this world, it goes without saying that imperialism concocts a fresh plan taking the from of infiltration or direct confrontation.
When we think of marking the most strategic areas in view of the new stage according to the calculations of imperialism, we find that our area, the Middle East, is one of the nominated areas singled out for focusing attention by additional and untraditional reserve in the current stage. When we talk about the additional effort in imperialism's effort and its special concentration on which it will depend in this area, to realise the targets which we have just pointed cut, we should not discount that the forces of the peoples and their international allies in their victories in Portugal, South East Asia, Iraq and other parts of the world, have on their part, liberated part of their power to confront imperialism in other parts of the world.
This is true but we have to mention something technical in the calculations of imperialism and a technical thing in the calculations of the ability of international policy to withstand part of the pressure to which it will be exposed in this area.
The flexibility of imperialism and American imperialism in particular, is calculated in certain parts of the world. It is calculated as far as the matter is related to our international allies not as far as the matter is directly related to the will of peoples. Its flexibility is calculated in the relation between Western Europe and Eastern Europe. It is also more accurately calculated or similarly calculated in the Middle East. The pressure ii is subjected to in South East Asia is not the same one it is subjected to in the Middle East. There is a measure of flexibility which it displays when facing the probabilities of world war in South East Asia. If the blow dealt to imperialism in South East Asia is dealt to it in certain sensitive parts of the body, the blow which will be dealt to it here shall hit it in the spinal cord; similarly it shall be dealt to its heart in Europe.
Here lie the oil reserves of the world. On this place relies the machine of imperialism for its fuel. What are the balances and what is the amount of flexibility to be made by imperialism in the calculations of international policies as far as the counter effective powers of the world, including our allies, are concerned?
This question is linked with many considerations. The central consideration in this regard, however, is the local will of the people. As long as the will of the peoples holds fast locally there will be sufficient immunity in the ideological, political and military calculations for it to score victory; equally it will expand or shrink in another direction reversed to imperialism's flexibility.
When the will of the people get more determined to march forward and score victory, imperialism will be more flexible in dealing with the local and international forces of liberation. When the will of the people fails or saps locally we should not expect any flexibility on the part of imperialism in this direction.
Yet, we should envisage the magnitude of interests in this place according to the imperialist calculations and according to our own calculations too.
So, the effort required for attaining the liberation similar in level to the liberation obtained by the peoples of South East Asia is a double effort when envisaging the interests of imperialism and their difference from those in South East Asia.
Comrades
Although you spoke about your efforts and your energies of struggle in the time which elapsed, you are still required to make fresh efforts to make your foothold on this land firmer.
According to the traditional military calculations of the global plans of imperialism, this area is dangerous. In the additional calculations it is dangerous because it is related to two questions, the Zionist entity, and the number one ally of imperialism in the area, and oil which is the second factor.
When we quickly go through these factors we should envisage the arduous efforts the forces of liberation, revolutionary forces and democratic organisations are required to exert for achieving their programmes.
This is an oil-rich area. Being so, it imposes certain limitations in accepting the arenas of struggle, the objectives of such struggle and its means.
Imperialism in the oil - rich areas is careful not to ignite fires of a direct large-scale armed conflict without sufficiently accurate calculations. Imperialism has now become careful on this because it has realised that the will of the people is capable of developing their attitudes, aims and' means in abnormal circumstances such as warfare circumstances no matter how severs repression was. The will of the people is capable of occupying an advanced position in the proportional scale to what it had occupied prior to war in such a state. Thereafter, its interests will be threatened and become explosive.
When we diagnose this question in such a manner without forgetting the purposes of imperialism, we should envisage the amount of the exceptional effort made by imperialism to infiltrate rear positions: the employment of methods of infiltration on a wide and concentrated scale more than the traditional confrontation with which we were familiar.
In imperialist calculations, one of the most important effective means of infiltration is the forms of psychological dealing in a counter direction—that is demoralisation of spirit and conscience and acting against inter-allied trends and trends connected with joint psychological feeling of solidarity among the ranks of the revolutionary and patriotic forces and work to destroy them.
Splitting the patriotic forces is not unfamiliar to imperialism in its previous counter action. But the new thing is counter formulas by which it employs most up-to-date innovations of science and technology worked out by imperialism in its own workshops in addition to its own innovated potentials.
You are required to make qualitative efforts and not quantitative ones. You should have qualitative amount of psychological, ideological and political immunity to face counter infiltration operations according to the formula we have noted.
Imperialism aims at infiltrating through social and economic mainstays in society too. !t will try to extend its hearsays to every effective part of our society. It is well known that we refuse isolationism. How we can be a closed society when the world is no longer accepting isolation?
We are also required to step up our ideological and political immunity internally so that, while we are dealing with some flexibility in our international policy, we leave no room to the growth of hearsays, brains and schemes inside the social and economic mainstays of our society.
Therefore, we have to make exceptional effort in the ideological immunity. We have to make exceptional effort in ideological education connected with policies and clear perception of the conducts of counter forces.
The revolutionary and patriotic forces are required at this stage to make an extraordinary ideological effort to strengthen the ideological, psychological and political immunity of our people and our revolutionary and democratic organisations.
When the revolution is acting in a certain measure of flexibility which may provide a minimum accord for confronting Zionism we should be aware of the amount of ideological immunity required internally so as to rule out the impression that flexible dealing in foreign policy might necessitate an internal openness on the same bases and line.
This effort should not be carried out by the leadership of the state or the leadership of the Front, or the leadership of a certain party, but all of you should carry it out with all your comrades everywhere.
We do not reveal a secret when we say as a Front and as an Arab Baath Socialist Party, our role is not confined to Iraq alone but it extends wherever imperialism extends in its influence and its exploitation and oppression of the peoples.
While we are sitting here, our sight and responsibilities extend to a long distance. On this basis, our immunity should be perseverant; its potentials should extraordinarily remain flowing and shinning to realise its complete objectives.
For all these factors and reasons as well as clarifications you have to have a high ideological immunity. You are required to make an exceptional ideological effort in this direction. You are required not to listen to premised rumours which come out now and then and which unfortunately some of you repeat and convey without realising their dangerous nature. Following defeats, rumours related to the atmosphere of defeat emanate and they have purposes some of which are local and others beyond local.
After victories rumours related to the atmosphere of victory emanate and they are connected with special aims some of which are local and others are not local.
After the great victory scored by the Revolution with your efforts against the stooges many rumours which we heard and are still hearing were spread. These rumours say that the ABSP will have second thoughts about its Front enthusiasm and its relationship with the parties of the Front and so on and so forth.
We are never used to conceal anything which must be said. Some comrades suffered the sickness of rumours and began to worry. Why worry? Why do some of you worry about the victory? Have you not sought to realise victory? Why then worry? Did you imagine that in its conflict with its enemies the Revolution would fail? In this place, almost a year ago, we told you that the Revolution would emerge victorious. That was not mere talk and intended for consumption, but was calculated by us. We were confident that we would be victorious. Since we were confident of our victory and since our efforts were in this direction and for this purpose and bled in the highlands for this victory, why then are we worried by this victory? Why should we not regard it as a new reinforcement to our footholds to march forward in strengthening the Front and its tasks, or the future aims and its strategic objectives?
Every cause in which two or more parties take part has its objectives and justifications. When the parties of the Front joined it, the Front had its own aims as provided for in the Charter. The aims contained in the Charter are not for the time being but are strategic aims which require of you long and hard work to realise.
The defeat of the stooges in the highlands is not envisaged to mean that we have realised the complete aims of the Charter.
The unjustified worry leads to using illegitimate formulas for emergencies. The unjustified worry leads to using illegitimate precautionary formulas.
Any of us using illegitimate precautionary formulas will be seen by others and would react to them in such a way as to make them use counter precautionary formulas. Thus a chain of precautionary formulas and counter precautionary, emergency and counter emergency formulas until we end, until we become two opposed parties instead of being in one trench. This is dangerous. It is certainly like playing with fire.
We have to say that any party comrade anywhere and at any position if he plays in such manner then he is playing with fire, that is, he will burn his hands and the hands of others who are parties to the Front.
Many times, and this is not intended for consumption, we have been saying that we, namely the Revolution, with all its forces its lines and strategic objectives, is even in need of the infant. It goes without saying that the parties of the Progressive Patriotic and Nationalist Front are needed by the Revolution.
The victory which was realised and in which all national forces had a role should be employed as an additional means for consolidating the comradely relations inside the Front and as additional potentials to march forward with higher resoluteness in the field of realising socialism and of our policy of liberation.
There is no retreat; forward, comrades. Victories should not lead you to think of reverse probabilities.
Victories always place revolutionaries before new tasks and actions towards realising the strategic targets and not for thinking of making a step backward.
Comrades, we have to make exceptional effort in treating mistakes and showing each other's mistakes. We should not under-estimate mistakes and we should not under-estimate our comradely relations.
You all know that the Front was established on the corpses of comrades from all ranks of national forces who were killed by the other ranks. Yet the Front emerged for its known justifications. You are required to deepen the line of the Front, not only to let bygones be bygones but also to strengthen your footholds on the path of the future.
The path of the future cannot be approached by ideology alone. The path of the future without policies and without a concerted will-power cannot be approached. Within this context the psychological solidarity occupies a lofty position. That is, all ranks of the national forces without exception should sense the importance of solidarity.
We should make this remark and remind the comrades of their duties, the duties of internal solidarity within the framework of the Front and the duties of broad action and education among the masses ranks in the direction which we have just mentioned.
If the counter-revolutionary forces put you in prisons in the past they are now after your necks. The neck of everyone who embraces progressiveness, liberation and economic emancipation, and makes the defense of the homeland as sharp as a blade, will be threatened by imperialism and its social and economic mainstays after the experience which imperialism underwent and was defeated in all arenas in this country.
If this country remains radiating — and continue to do so in the area, it shall threaten the interests of imperialism in this place. You should not rest and imagine that everybody can by political calculations lead alone towards great aims without needing the others. No, you should always incorporate your efforts with the additional efforts of your comrades so as to give a true concept of the tasks of the Front in its continuous struggle.
This was what I intended to begin with. It is a summary of what we should talk about, and peace be upon you.
TEXT OF SADDAM HUSEIN’S ADDRESS TO THE FIRST INTELLECTUAL CONFERENCE OF ARAB PEDAGOGUES
First I would like to express my great pleasure at meeting my brothers, the Arab pedagogues, assembling in this part of the big Arab Homeland. I should say from the beginning that the very fact of your meeting, with your intention of seriously discussing the question of education in the Arab Homeland, is an advanced step in comparison with the previous condition which prevailed in the connections between the natives of the Nation. But when we meet and decide to discuss the Nation's affairs seriously, we strive to go beyond the minimum into what is relatively better.
On the subject of education, I shall mention a number of points which concern my specialisation in politics and political action, proceeding from the assessment that any act in society, whether individual or collective, is bound to be connected with an aim, and that any idea in this field is bound to be connected with the existing social reality and with the constituent elements of the condition interacting with it. Therefore, while discussing the theories which were formulated in the East or the West and in order not to fall into error we should recognise three situations:
The first situation—what strategic aim or aims are connected with the prevailing education connected with a definite theory or philosophy? Subsidiary theories always proceed from a definite philosophical rule connected with the social, economic and political reality of a given stage of development. Sometime ago I was told by one colleague, during a special social discussion, that an attempt has been made for slicing off parts of the images of the best people and putting them together, and the result has been a very ugly image. This is a small example which is intended to show that any part, if not connected with the original in a balanced quantity and quality, cannot be of big effective value for the transformation of the social, economic or political reality.
The theories which have been worked out on education and even those concerning the manner of employing the human clement in the interests of development, proceed from some philosophy and linked with definite aims. Philosophy is connected with a definite reality, with the basic social, economic and political constituents of that reality. The theories which have been formulated in the capitalist society are linked with a philosophy associated with that society; and the theories which have been formulated in the Soviet Union are linked with a philosophy and aims associated with that society. Hence, brothers, the regional and national characteristics are bound to enter as a decisive element in determining the philosophy and the strategic aims linked with that philosophy, and consequently in determining the educational method of society, and within the scope of the young generation.
If we take the Soviet Union, we shall find that the basis of its philosophy proceeded from Marxism-Leninism and not just from Marxism.
When Marx laid down his philosophy together with Engels, this philosophy was in fact linked with the economic, social and political constituents of the European society. But it was not applied in the Soviet Union as Marxism; rather it was supplemented with a particular national framework. The additional nomination was not just a formal one, but was associated with Lenin's skilful innovation; and accordingly it was named Marxism-Leninism.
REGIONAL AND NATIONAL CHARACTERISTICS
The added ideas have stressed the patriotic and nationalist characteristics of the Soviet Union. If we move to China, we find within the scope of Marxism-Leninism, added patriotic and nationalist characteristics expressed by the ideas of Mao Tse-Tung. In Korea, there are added patriotic and nationalist characteristics expressed by the ideas of Kim II Sung. You will find added patriotic and nationalist characteristics expressed in the ideas of the revolutionaries of Vietnam, Cambodia and Laos; and if you examine the Cuban society you will certainly observe the added characteristics clearly, which are associated with the patriotic and nationalist Cuban reality.
Going back to the capitalist society, we assert that the theories elaborated on education are certainly associated with that society, with the basic economic and social philosophy of those societies, and connected with the patriotic and nationalist characteristics added according to the conditions of each country. If we follow the theories which were elaborated on education in Germany before the war, and those which emerged out after the war, we can conclude that there is essential difference connected with the essence of the regime and the social and economic changes associated with a certain psychological value or mood prevailing in that society at the time.
Turn to Japan, and consider the theories which were elaborated on education before and during the war, and those elaborated after Japan's defeat in the war, we shall find essential differences in what was said and written.
Another factor which we should tak3 into account on studying any educational theory elaborated in any place throughout the world, is that these theories should be studied for the purpose of the formation of a high standard of general education which would help us not in the form of mere copying, but that of interaction in chosing the educational theory connected with our regional and national characteristics in the Arab Homeland and for the nation. Every philosophy, and consequently every subsidiary theory of philosophy pouring in it, in addition to its connection with the social, economic and political reality, as already explained, is also connected with a prevalent psychological mood of the society at the lime, and which influences the maker of the theory. The psychological mood is definitely not an abstract one, but is also connected with the factors we have explained. Thus, unless the theory is understood in its psychological, social, economic and political background, it cannot be put to use in an infracting form in order to be of real value for the formulation of a nationalist and patriotic theory for our country.
THE ADDED TIME
Another aspect connected with the two above factors is that of time. Added time is a number of added developing factors and not an abstract added time. It is added to rill the developments taking place in society. Unless we calculate the added time in its connection with the added factors socially, economically, politically and psychologically, the process of copying, even if it has got some benefit at times, such benefit will certainly be lost in the event of failing to realise the development occurring during the added time.
Leaving the theories aside and say we might not agree on theories but let us take part of the whole for discussion, your discussion will consequently centre on "Education for Development". But we should ask: Development under what philosophical foundation, development for the creation of accumulated capital, or development as a basis for social and economic transformation in a socialist direction? Each case has its own requirements; and no part of it could be transferred and fitted in other cases. The whole course of its development and all the parts connected with it have to be balanced and in harmony with it; with philosophy and with strategic aim or aims.
You will say as somebody has asked a little while ago: If we cannot agree on this, what shall we do? Or if the path of practice in all Arab regimes without exception, is blocked against the application of the ideas in which we agree upon the philosophy and the strategic goals which are connected with the means for the realisation of the said philosophy and the strategic goals, shall we give up and proclaim our incapability for continuing the march? No.
POSSIBILITY AND AMBITION
Regardless of differences, there should be a minimum to be agreed upon, and this minimum is not to be agreed upon among yourselves only, but also with some of you and the prevailing Arab regimes. For purposes of application we should work within the applicable minimum; but for the purposes of enlightenment and education, we should work in keeping with the ambition concerning the ideas which we have discussed earlier.
In other words, there are two books, one which is taught in the classroom, and another which is published for public libraries. The book which is taught in the classroom should be endorsed by the regime under which you are working as a teacher. Here, then you are proceeding in keeping with a minimum which is not only opposed to your aims and philosophy, but at the same time it does not answer the entire philosophy and aims which you uphold. At this point, there is a bridge in the link between yourselves and there is another bridge between yourselves and the Arab regimes in general.
There is a book which is taught in schools and universities, and there is another book which is published for the masses. It is the latter book which contains all the ideas connected with a philosophy and with (Infinite aims, and from which basic methods branch out with the aim of reaching the goals in which we believe. Thus we have before us two books, the book of the "possible", and the book of the "ambition".
Dr. Mosarie' has mentioned an example. I think he said that twelve million Arab primary school pupils entered school in 1970 of which only one million graduated from the sixth primary class. This question is not related to the lag in education methods, but to all the economic, social and political constituents of society including the question of the positions of the means of production in the society and their influences and ownership. Those eleven million have not failed because of a lag in the methods of education; and if we look carefully into the matter we shall see that the majority left of their free will because their families were in need of them to look after the sheep instead of being pupils passing the sixth class to join the intermediate school. They are in need of them to help them in free professions. Such are the facts. When we discuss any numerical situation, and take the figures abstractly without discussing the living links between these figures and reality, we shall lull into a gross error.
When Dr. Mosarie' puts forth the slogan of militarisation of education, I put forth the slogan education of the military, because the militarisation of education is something auxiliary. What we wish to say is that students should be taught how to use arms. First we should create the philosophy and the strategic goal for them.
We should primarily create the belief among young pupils and their parents that Palestine is part of the Homeland which should not disappear, then we achieve the aim of the militarisation of education without taking matters in an auxiliary manner and exerting special efforts on them, with the result that they will broaden in a cancer-like manner without being associated with the aim, while we would get the illusion that they are growing. The Arab armies present in Iraq, Jordan, Egypt or Syria without an educational theory which can serve as a basis, beginning with the point when the serviceman is still a young pupil to when he becomes a general in the army, all his military plans and the manner of his behaviour are certainly influenced by this. In other words, there is a difference between just fighting in defence of the Golan territory, and fighting in defence of the Golan territory for the purpose of liberating Palestine. There is a difference between fighting just in defence of AI-Anbar in Iraq, and fighting for the purpose of the liberation of Jerusalem.
Education is different in these two cases of fighting in defence of AI-Anbar; a capitalist system and a socialist system would both fight in defence of AI-Anbar, as Iraqis; the patriots and nationalists would fight in defence of AI-Anbar and so do the reactionary and the progressive in defence of the territory in which they are living. An autocratic regime and people's regime would both fight in defence of AI-Anbar. There is no particularity in fighting in defence of a part of Iraq because it is the chair on which we are sitting on. It would be unquestionable to defend this part on which the chair is based.
But to fight in defence of the land of Palestine, here is a new and qualitatively additional concept. There is a difference here. Not everybody would fight in defence of Palestine because the defence of Palestine outside the regional limits is associated with a special understanding and based on a definite philosophy. But the defence of the country or part of it is another question. When the Japanese defend the territory of Japan, in spite of the regime being a capitalist one, this is a question concerning the most elementary duties of patriotism. But when the Soviet Union defends Cuba or any member country of the Warsaw Pact, this is something connected with a definite philosophy held by the Soviet Union and governing her commitments outside her territories.
These are the remarks which I have wished to express in a brief and hasty manner as a contribution to your conference. Once more, we reaffirm our great pleasure in meeting you and wish you success in the service of our Arab Nation.