THE IRAQ-IRAN CONFLICT - 4
By INSTITUTE OF Studies and Research
"EDITIONS DU Monde Arabe"
CHAPTER 4
HISTORICAL CAUSES OF THE CONFLICT :
THE MODERN PERIOD
ENTRY OF THE EUROPEAN POWERS INTO THE GULF
Historically, the European powers intervened very early in the Gulf and did not fail to take advantage of the different contradictions that thrived in this region.
1. Portuguese domination
In the 16th century, the Gulf region underwent the domination of Portugal, the penetration of which was facilitated by an alliance concluded between Lisbon and Persia. The agreement reached during the reign of Shah Ismail as-Safawi allowed both allies to establish a boycott policy towards Arab navigation and trade.
2. Ottoman occupation
In 1546, the Ottoman expansion attained Basra in order to defeat the Portuguese and thwart their alliance with the Persians. Despite Arab support of the Ottomans, Arabistan remained under Portuguese domination, whereas Basra was won over by the Ottomans. Portugal's control of Arabistan continued up until 1652, at which time a struggle between English and Dutch influence took over.
3. Rivalry between Holland and Great Britain
Between 1580 and 1640, when Spain annexed Portugal, England and Holland made their entry into the Gulf; England thus intended to reinforce the security of its communication route towards India. With respect to Holland, its aims were chiefly commercial. "The English made Bandar Abbas the headquarters for their activities. As early as 1635 the English vessels traded with Basra in spite of Dutch competition." (1) This rivalry grew stronger and led to a war between the two countries in 1652. The East Indies Company was about to close its branch offices when Louis XIV, King of France, inflicted such a grave defeat on Holland that it became powerless to protect its interests in the Arab Gulf. (2)
4. Napoleon and the Persians
Between 1793 and 1809, France negotiated a treaty making Persia its ally in the Gulf. However, the French were not able to implant themselves in that area. The Arab tribes conserved their autonomy in Arabistan and Shatt-al-Arab. Since England feared a French advance towards India, it strengthened its presence in the Gulf and opened consulates in the different countries of that region.
5. Clash between Russians and British
The English domination did not last long before being shared, for Russia was on the look-out for any weakening of the Persian Empire. Indeed, Peter the Great had declared to his army earlier:
As soon as you feel the Persian Empire weakening, do not hesitate to invade it through to the Gulf, and from there, if you are able, continue all the way to the Indies where all the treasures of the world are to be found. (3)
The first Russian interventions in the Gulf date from 1838. Saint Petersburg encouraged the Persian Empire to take hold of the city of Herat which represented an important stronghold for the English on the route to the Indies. (4) Thus, Russia continued to play an active role in the region, interfering in border conflicts between the Ottoman Empire and Persia. The defeat of Russia in 1907 by Japan brought St. Petersburg to conclude a treaty with the English. The Russian influence was confined to the north of Persia. This country thus found itself exposed to two influences: Russian to the north, English to the south. By the terms of the 1907 treaty, Arabistan was to conserve its autonomy. (5)
6. Discovery of Oil
England was given an exceptional advantage in the region when it obtained, against a moderate sum (some twenty thousand pounds sterling), an authorization from the Shah to undertake research for oil deposits on the Iranian territory. This research was begun as early as 1902 and led to the discovery of the "Bir Soleyman" well in 1908. Naturally, this discovery had the effect of sharpening the imperialist rivalries in that area.
7. German Interference
At the beginning of the 20th century, Germany was transformed into a power with designs on the Orient. It developed commercial relations with Basra, Moham-marah (Khorramshahr) and Ahwaz. The appearance of a third European power in the Gulf jeopardized the existing balance between the Russians and the English. It also pushed these two countries into taking somewhat the same side.
Before treating the modern period of Arabistan, the history that has unfolded over four centuries with its succession of events must first be examined. The modern era actually begins with the settlement of the Bani Kaab tribe, which inaugurated an epoch of economic prosperity and political autonomy in Arabistan and the Shatt-al-Arab.
THE POWER OF THE BANI KAAB : FIRST PERIOD
The Bani Kaab makes up a tribe of Arab Bedouins having settled in Arabistan. The historian Al-Kalkashandi points out that the Bani Kaab compose one branch of the Amer Bani Sa'sa'a tribe originating from the Arabian Peninsula and having settled in Iraq. (6) All the Bani Kaab, including those established in Arabistan, descended from a common ancestor. (7) These men settled on the two banks of Shatt-al-Arab, devoting themselves to farming and livestock. The city of Kabbann, which was formerly a part of the Ottoman Empire, became the capital of their territory (8) as Louis Massignon has ascertained. "The tribe of the Kaab (pronounced "Tcha'b" in Bedouin), traditionally buffalo tenders, solidly established its preeminence over the region and the supremacy of its chiefs, the hereditary sheikhs of the Al-Bou Nasir, over all others." (9)
Lord Curzon drew up a list of the first Kaab chiefs and in it can be found : Nasir-Ibn Mohammed and his brothers Abdallah, Sarhan, Mir Rahman (1690-1722), then Faraj Allah (1722), Tahmaz Ben Khanfar (1732), Bander (1735), Salman (1737-1766), Osman (1737-1764), Ghanim (1766), Barakat (1770), Ghadban (1782), Moubarek (1792), Paris (1794), Alwan (1795), Barakat II (1801), Geith (1812), Mobadir (1828), Abdallah II (1831), Thamr (1837), Faris II (1840), Loutfallah, Mohammed Khan, Rahman and Mir Abdallah Djafar Khan (deposed in 1881 then restored to power in 1889). (10)
The historians who have dealt with the development of the Bani Kaab Emirate point out the rapidity of its territorial expansion. Taking advantage of the conflict between the Persians and the Ottomans over the possession of their territory, the Sheikhs of the Emirate gradually asserted their autonomy and brought law and order to their lands. Persians and Ottomans were finally obliged to accept the situation, and opened relations with the Bani Kaab.
Soon the Emirate procured itself a fleet which by the XVIIIth century became one of the most important in the Gulf. This fleet allowed the Bani Kaab to strengthen their autonomy and extend their influence to the Shatt-al-Arab islands and Basra. (11) Louis Massignon has added further detail :
Throughout the eighteenth century their politics [of the Bani Kaab], which remained identical despite a few bloody outbreaks over successions, consisted in conserving the alliance of the Turks, who were ever ready for any retreat on the part of the Persian government. (12)
THE REIGN OF SHEIKH SALMAN BEN SULTAN OR THE GOLDEN AGE OF ARABISTAN
The Shatt-al-Arab region witnessed remarkable progress under the reign of Sheikh Salman Ben Sultan (1737-1767). The Bani Kaab became the masters of the region : no ship was able to penetrate into the Shatt-al-Arab without having paid them navigation duties. Sheikh Salman so consolidated the fleet of this emirate that it could rival with that of the Ottoman Empire. "It was thus able to extend its power from Abadan Island to the city of Bushire as well as all along the coast of Oman in the Arabian Gulf." (13) The power of Sheikh Salman worried the Persian Empire, which made unsuccessful attempts to defeat it militarily ; similarly, the Ottomans were forced to incline before the power of Salman who not only refused to pay the dues forcibly imposed upon the emirs of this region, but also cut off Iraq's access to Shatt-al-Arab.
The English then attacked the Bani Kaab forces, whose "reputation of bravery had attained Europe by that period". (14) They believed that this Arab force represented "a threat to their commercial interests in the form of the East Indies Company. That was the first military intervention of the English in Shatt-al-Arab and Arabistan. Sheikh Salman succeeded in repelling the fleet sent to attack his forces". (15)
This series of successes of the Bani Kaab consolidated their sovereignty over Arabistan and allowed them to form close relations with the other Arab tribes of the Gulf, particularly those of Qatar, Bahrain, Kuwait and Oman. (16)
At the death of Sheikh Salman in 1767, Karim Khan, Emperor of the Persians, proposed an alliance with the Bani Kaab, which in reality signified recognition of the autonomy acquired by this tribe. (17)
THE DIVISION OF THE BANI KAAB AND THE BIRTH OF MOHAMMARAH
The Bani Kaab split into two clans when Sheikh Mardaw Ben Ali of the Bou-Kasseb tribe gave his authorization for Emir Hajj Youssef Ben Mardaw to settle at the mouth of the Karun River. In 1812 the Emir built the city of Mohammarah (Khorramshahr), provoking a division of the Bani Kaab into two clans: some members of the tribe, the Abou Nasser, remained at Felahiyah (Chadkan) and others, under the name of Bou-Kasseb, emigrated to Mohammarah.
Incidents broke out between the two factions of Bani Kaab, to the advantage of the Bou-Kasseb. Hajj Jaber Bou-Kasseb was able, however, to restore the unity of the Bani Kaab under his leadership. Due to him, Mohammarah expanded into the south of Iraq and to the Shatt-al-Arab.
Before going on, the causes of the division of the Bani Kaab should be brought to mind :
a} The Persian Monarchs had not forgotten the double defeat of Thi-Qar (18) and Qadisiyah inflicted on them by the Arabs. For this reason, they were constantly trying to take advantage of any weakness manifested by their neighbors.
b) The Bani Kaab tribes had preserved their ties with the Ottoman Empire. They paid exorbitant duties to the Pacha of Baghdad. Furthermore, official documents attest that the territories in which the Bani Kaab were implanted were under Ottoman "suzerainty". (19) Finally, this region had made a pledge of allegiance to the Ottomans at the time of the Iraqi conquest. (20)
c) The decline of the Bani Kaab Emirate was precipitated by an internal conflict whose importance was aggravated by the antagonism between Persians and Ottomans.
The region of Arabistan and Shatt-al-Arab became the object of a ferocious struggle between the two empires, which took turns occupying it. Arabistan and Shatt-al-Arab thus resemble a Middle Eastern Alsace-Lorraine : a land coveted and fiercely disputed by the surrounding countries. This conflict continued through several centuries. Between the 16th and 18th centuries it was punctuated with a series of agreements the most notable of which follow.
PRINCIPLE AGREEMENTS
• Omassiyah (1541)
Between 1508 and 1514 the Persians occupied territories beyond their boundaries, notably, the Shatt-al-Arab. This region was, however, liberated by Sultan Ottoman Selim I. In 1529, profiting from the weakness of Soleiman Al-Kanouni, the Persians took it back until 1542 when, following the signature of the Omassiyah treaty, they were forced to cede it to the Ottomans. (21) Other agreements were to follow :
• Qasr - Shirin (1639)
In 1623, the Persians took over Shatt-al-Arab, occupying it for fifteen years. In 1639, Sultan Ottoman Mourad IV obliged the Persians to sign the Qasr -Shirin treaty by which the Safawid Empire recognized that Iraq and the Shatt-al-Arab belonged to the Ottoman Empire.
• Amir Achraf (1727) and Nader Shah (1747)
At the beginning of the 18th century, the occupation of the Hawizah area by the Persians triggered new conflicts with the Ottomans, ended in 1727 by the Amir Achraf treaty, article 7 of which stipulates : "because of its contiguity with Basra, the region of Hawizah located within Iraqi territory will be occupied definitively by the Ottoman Empire ; the Persian Empire commits itself not to intervene in the internal affairs of Arabistan". This clause was reiterated in the Nader Shah treaty (1747) which ended further hostilities between the two states.
• Ard Roum (Erzeroum) I (1823)
The border zone remained relatively calm until 1818, during which the Persians again unsuccessfully attacked. After merciless warfare a new protocol was signed, that is, the famous treaty of Ard Roum (1823), reconfirming that the entire Shatt-al-Arab region belonged to the Ottoman Empire.
• Ard Roum II (1847) (22)
The appetite of the Persians, motivated by the strategic interest of this region, was whetted by the attitude of the native tribes. Indeed, the Bani Kaab were desirous of preserving their autonomy, so taking advantage of the rivalry between the Persian and Ottoman Empires, they swung from alliance with one power to alliance with the other. This policy succeeded until the Turks decided to throw all their forces into the balance: a huge army was sent by Istanbul, which occupied not only Arabistan but also pursued the Persian forces to the Zagros Mountains. Only the opening of new negotiations allowed Persia to avoid fighting in order to prevent the fall of Teheran. England and Russia, which then upheld the Persian Empire, imposed their mediation between the two parties. (23) A mixed commission representing the four countries was set up to solve the conflict. This commission met for three years. During their investigations, hostilities again broke out. In 1843, Najib Pacha attacked the Persians. The second treaty of Ard Roum (Erzeroum) was concluded May 31, 1847 between the Ottoman Sultan Abdul-Majid and the Persian Shah Mohammed. For the first time, the Ottoman Empire retreated from Shatt-al-Arab, the western part of which was ceded to Persia. Article 2 of this agreement stipulates that "the Ottoman Empire recognizes the rights of the Persian Empire over the city of Mohammarah (Khorramshahr) and its port, over Khodr Island (Abadan), as well as over the territories found on the east bank of Shatt-al-Arab". The two parties agreed to set their boundaries on the east bank of these straits, placing these waters under the total sovereignty of the Ottoman Empire. The scope of this agreement remained theoretical, however, for several reasons:
a) The first is that the native tribes were not consulted beforehand, while their attitude in the past had often provoked or revived the conflict between Persians and Ottomans.
b) In both its terms and its effects, the treaty accorded the Persian Empire merely partial annexion of the Shatt-al-Arab. In reality, this region conserved its autonomy with respect to Teheran.
c) The Shatt-al-Arab tribes contested the clauses of the May 31, 1847 treaty relative to their territory.
d) Finally, the Persian Parliament did not ratify this treaty. Teheran judged its territorial gains as insufficient, demanding the whole region of Shatt-al-Arab, Arabistan and even Iraq. (24)
Despite these difficulties, the commission, composed of Russian, English, Persian and Turkish representatives and charged with bringing the Ard Roum Treaty into effect, proceeded to define the boundaries, especially under British impulsion, for its representatives demonstrated much zeal in accomplishing this task. (25) Finally, the commission met in 1850 and 1851 in Baghdad and in Mohammarah, but it was unable to conclude any protocol due to continuing divergences between the parties. The outbreak of the Anglo-Persian War in 1854 ended its mission. March 26, 1857, the English army led by Sir James Outram launched an attack against Mohammarah and occupied it with the help of Sultan Ottoman. Negotiations were begun with the latter concerning the possible retrocession of Mohammarah to Baghdad. (26) However, before these talks ended, the Paris Treaty (1857) was signed, obliging the British army to retreat from the territories seized from Persia. (27) Discussions over the definition of boundaries in the Shatt-al-Arab and Arabistan, included in the 1847 treaty, were re-launched in 1865. After four years of fruitless negotiations, it was decided that the contested territories would remain under the control of the state occupying them de facto. In fact, this agreement did not resolve anything. In the next years, Shatt-al-Arab and Arabistan became the theater of new incidents. The region nevertheless remained under Arab control.
• The Protocol of Constantinople (1913)
In 1912, the Protocol of Teheran was finally concluded in annex to the Ard Roum Treaty, and was completed by another signed November 17, 1913. (28) The most important clauses of this protocol were the following:
1. Khodr Island, its port and the small islands located near Abadan were taken from the Ottoman Empire, passing over to Persian control.
2. The riverside boundaries of the Shatt-al-Arab were set upon its left bank, from the locality of Nahr Abul-Arabid to the sea.
3. The Persian government abandoned its claims on the city of Sulaymaniyah.
The clauses regarding neighborly relations, navigation, trade and exchange of persons were identical to those of the previous agreements.
The Ard Roum Treaty raises two points:
1. One fraction of the Bani Kaab territory was attached to the Persian Empire, which constituted an undeniable violation of the will of these tribes, above all desiring the preservation of their autonomy. (29)
2. Aside from the constant covetousness of Persia, the Ottoman retreat from this region can be explained by the permanent resistance of the inhabitants to its authority.
Negotiations on the implementing of the 1913 protocol were to be interrupted by the outbreak of the First World War. Iraq was to accede to the statute of independence. The Shatt-al-Arab should incontestably have been considered as an integral part of its territory. The 1913 protocol added nothing to the second Ard Roum Treaty other than a clause conferring to the Sheikh of Mohammarah full rights over the region of Arabistan. This constituted an indirect recognition of the Arab character of that territory by the Persians and the Ottomans. Because of it, the Shatt-al-Arab was to live another period of autonomy starting with Hajj Jaber Mardaw and ending with Sheikh Khazaal.
THE POWER OF THE BANI KAAB: SECOND PERIOD
As mentioned above, the Kaab tribes split up into two clans, namely, Al-Boukasseb and Al-Bounasser, at the beginning of the 18th century. The former settled on the Karun River and their first chief, Hajj Youssef Ben Mardaw, founded Mohammarah in 1812.
• The reign of Jaber ben Mardaw
In 1837, at the moment he took over, the Sheikh of Sheikhs, Kaab Thamr, attributed the title of governor of Mohammarah to Hajj Jaber Mardaw, the son of Hajj Youssef. In reality, the exercise of that power indisputably conferred to Jaber by the Ard Roum Treaty did not prove to be comfortable. Hajj Jaber, whose capital was Mohammarah, while he resided in Basra (30), was troubled by intertribal wars. He confined himself to an attitude of neutrality while maintaining good relations with both Persians and Ottomans, and notably with the Walis of Baghdad. It was the Persians who first had need of him to quell diverse tribes. Before going into this point, however, it would be useful to recall the words of Louis Massignon explaining the three reasons for the commercial importance of Mohammarah:
A first reason is that for Mohammarah, merchandise brought by vessels of the high sea by way of the Shatt must be transported by the lighter Karun boats. The second is that the oriental canals bringing merchandise directly from India to Ahwaz by Abadan and Dawraq (Felahiyah) are no longer kept up, so that the only entry route by fluvial navigation is by the Shatt at al-Faw. The third is that Mohammarah is a region less unhealthy and richer in resources than the eastern delta, for it benefits from its proximity to the Shatt and from the loam after flooding. (31)
The tribe which made the most trouble for Hajj Jaber was that of the Rabi'ah, representing a true threat. Hajy Jaber thus turned to an ancient Arab diplomatic practice: he married Noura, the daughter of the chief of the Rabi'ah, Sheikh Talal, in order to appease the opposition of that tribe. One son, Sheikh Khazaal, was born from this union, to become the last emir of autonomous Arabistan. (32)
The permanent conflict opposing Ottomans and Persians, the weakening of these empires, as well as the intelligent diplomacy of Sheikh Jaber would cause Nasser Eddine Chah, ten years after the Ard Roum Treaty, to make of Arabistan an independent emirate governed by Hajj Jaber. By the terms of the imperial decree, it was provided that:
1 - The Emirate of Mohammarah was to be governed by Hajj Jaber and subsequently by his descendants;
2 - Customs were to depend upon the Emirate Administration;
3 - The Shah was to promise not to interfere in the internal affairs of the Emirate. (33)
Once his position was recognized, Hajj Jaber could devote his efforts to the development of the emirate. He followed his traditional policies, such as maintaining good relations with Iraq and expanding navigation in the Shatt-al-Arab. Among his plans for development figured the widening of the Karun River so as to render it fully navigable from its mouth to the port of Tustar in northwest Arabistan. Despite their interest for the emirate's economic development, Hajj Jaber turned down propositions made by England in exchange for the right for its ships to navigate freely upon this river. In this way, Hajj Jaber intended to avoid creating any jealousy likely to invite external intrusions into his territory and thus conserve his autonomy. The politics of Sheikh Jaber were also correctly analyzed by Louis Massignon:
Hajj Jaber wisely and successfully led the gradual climb of his clan to the rank of tribe and of Mohammarah, his residence as chief of the clan, to the rank of capital of a principality... He succeeded in getting the sanction of the Persian Government for his rupture with Sheikh Al-Mashai'k of Felahiyah by obtaining directly from the court of Teheran his investiture over the city of Mohammarah. (34)
Massignon continued with this judgment of Miza'al, the son and successor of Hajj Jaber :
He was to continue his father's policy toward the Persian court, from which he obtained the quite enviable title of "Mo'iyr as Sultanah" in 1889, in exchange for his promise to pay an annual tribute. He had the first palace of Feiliyeh constructed on a lateral canal perpendicular to Shatt-al-Arab.
Bloodshed over succession
It was in this palace that in 1897 tragedy occurred:
Sheikh Miza'al had three living brothers: Mohammed, his elder, Khazaal and Salman, his younger brothers. Miza'al, by nature rather gentle according to his contemporaries, had since some time become suspicious, no longer holding his two counselors, the Persian Katib Mollah Hassan and the emir of his personal guard. Sheikh Abdallah, in full onfidence. It is said that one day he was overtaken by a fear of ambush and had the tallest trees surrounding his palace pruned or cut down. On several occasions he had been warned about the activities of his younger brother Khazaal. The latter was arrested, released, then assigned to residence within the palace. These contradictory measures reflected the hesitations of Miza'al. At the end, the tragedy exploded. That day, while the English steamboat "Malamir" of the Karun River service was just leaving Mohammarah, Khazaal and Sheikh Abdallah slipped into the palace, found Miza'al and assassinated him. In the struggle to master the situation, the conspirators were obliged to kill another fifteen of Miza'al's servants. In the scuffle, the King's belt of gold with a diamond buckle disappeared. It was the symbol of the principality for the people, and Khazaal was so infuriated that he had the head of Miza'al cut off. In the meantime, the wives of the dead man burst into the room. They threw themselves upon the corpse and Khazaal let them take him away to be buried decently. Before nightfall, as news of the murder was spreading, the first of Khazaal's edicts was promulgated in
Mohammarah: any funeral ceremony intended for Miza'al was prohibited. (35)
After a moment of emotion, stirred a second time by the unanimous refusal of Miza'al's harem to become that of his murderer, daily life became normal again in Mohammarah. The golden belt "rediscovered" and returned to Khazaal by his brother's wives sealed the reconciliation between them and the new Sheikh. It is hence that Sheikh Khazaal, conferred the official title of "Mo'izz Assaltanah wa Sirdar Arafi" according to protocol, became the absolute master of Mohammarah; (36) Khazaal immediately seized Miza'al's heir, Aboud, who was trying to plot against him, had him blinded with a bayonet, then imprisoned.
SHEIKH KHAZAAL, LAST OF THE BANI KAAB EMIRS
It is certain that the reign of Sheikh Khazaal was capital to the history of Arabistan. After the discovery of oil, the western powers found themselves newly interested in this region and events and conflicts were both amplified. The First World War was to modify the equilibrium of the region: some regimes crumbled as that of Iran, where the Qadjars were supplanted by the Pahlavis, who then attacked the Arab government of Arabistan.
• Proclamation of Independence of Mohammarah (1902)
In the manner of Hajy Jaber, Sheikh Khazaal established excellent relations with the neighboring states. He was thereby enabled to lessen Persian pressure on his territory. (37) Taking advantage of the system of alliances and the balance of forces in the region, Sheikh Khazaal was able to lead his emirate to independence. In this undertaking, the assistance of the British proved first to be precious, then destructive. In fact, after having come to his aid, London abandoned Sheikh Khazaal to the hands of his adversaries. At this period, Persia was considerably weakened by the joint attacks of Russia to the north and England to the south. The Anglo-Persian conflict was exploited by Khazaal who created close links with the English in order to ensure the independence of his principality. The creation of an autonomous and powerful emirate facing Persia was in keeping with the strategic views of London, which consequently gave its support to Sheikh Khazaal. Once the oil deposits were discovered, and Russia was engaged to construct a railway line between Teheran and Arabistan, England recognized the independence of Mohammarah (in 1902) and concluded a treaty of military assistance (1905) with Sheikh Khazaal. Moreover, England made sure that neither the Ottoman Empire nor the Arab leaders of the region interfered in the internal affairs of Arabistan. By means of this alliance, Sheikh Khazaal protected himself from both Persia and the Ottoman Empire. In this respect, however, it must be noted that the relations between Arabistan and the government of Baghdad were in general harmonious. Were there not Arab populations to be found on either side of the frontier?
The end of the First World War was marked by the triumph of the Russian Revolution. Moscow temporarily disappeared from the Gulf scene, as did the Ottoman Empire and the other powers. England remained as practically the sole controlling force in this region deliberately described by Western observers as a "British lake". (38)
The development of the international situation led England to conclude a treaty with Wasouk, the Prime Minister of the Persian Empire (August 9, 1919). The aim of this agreement was to secure Teheran against a possible Soviet aggression. Furthermore, England, with the tacit acceptance of the Shah and his government, imposed its supervision over the administrative affairs of Persia. The signing of this document coincided with the dawn of anti-colonial movements in the Middle East, notably that of Reza Khan, who proned Persian nationalism against both the Qadjar dynasty, considered responsible for the collapse of the Empire, and foreign intervention in this country. Reza Khan was assigned the portfolio of defense in the government of Zia-ud-Din, and then was appointed commander-in-chief of the army. He gave the order to arrest all those responsible for the signature of the 1919 treaty with the English. The divergence between the Prime Minister and Reza Khan brought him to leave the country temporarily. (39) The Soviet leaders, having renewed ties with Persia, thought of Reza Khan as a nationalist and revolutionary, and hardly criticized his authoritarian methods of government. Moscow signed a treaty with Persia in 1921 by which Russia renounced all of the privileges formerly accorded it in Persia, and recognized the independence of that state. In return, Russia demanded and gained from Persia the abolition of all privileges held by the other powers. Consequently, Teheran abrogated its 1919 treaty with England. The Soviets opened a consulate in Arabistan. England then reinforced its support of Sheikh Khazaal and advised him to avoid any contact with the Russian Consul. In 1921-1922, Reza Khan attempted to reduce the dissidence having overrun the north of Persia. He then turned against Arabistan.
• Persian occupation of Arabistan
When Sheikh Khazaal became conscious of the danger, he tried to take precautions against the aims of Reza Khan. He tried to break out of the isolation imposed by Great Britain by seeking the support of the Persian tribes implanted on the periphery of the emirate. He came into contact with Youssef Khan, the Bakhtiarian chief (the tribe from which Chapour Bakhtiar, latest Prime Minister of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, originated), with Golam Reza Khan, Governor of Bachtakwa, as well as with Moujahed Khan Emir of Luristan, and made an alliance with them against Reza Khan. Sheikh Khazaal was appointed head of this coalition (40), the headquarters of which were in Arabistan. The allies of Sheikh Khazaal obtained the support of the Shah exiled in Paris. These events incited Reza Khan to crush this opposition and occupy Arabistan, qualifying it as a "place of turpitude and a threat for the whole Persian Empire". The declarations of Sheikh Khazaal, calling him an "enemy of Islam, usurper of the power in Persia", (41) sharpened his irritation.
Reza Khan and his army started to march on Arabistan via the Isfahan and Shiraz route. England tried in vain to stop him by pretending that Sheikh Khazaal was under its protection. The British Ambassador addressed a letter to Reza Khan enumerating all the interests of Great Britain and justifying its politics in this region. The contents of that letter even today might allow a better understanding of the sensitivity of Europe and the United States regarding the question of oil:
Besides the political and strategic interest of this region, Great Britain holds a particular interest — vital to the English people — in the oil reserves. On the other hand, as you know, the oil pipe-lines extend the length of the Karun River; it is feasible that in case of conflict with the forces of Sheikh Khazaal military operations would cause damage to these pipe-lines. England will consider the Persian State as solely responsible for any damages. In that event, it will be obliged to intervene directly and rapidly so as to defend its interests and those of the petroleum companies. (42)
This warning did not stop Reza Khan in his undertaking. As for Sheikh Khazaal, he had to content himself with the purely diplomatic assistance of England. The latter was careful to preserve its weighty interests in Persia and thus abstained from giving material support to the Emirate of Arabistan. Furthermore, direct English intervention against Persia would have undoubtedly had the effect of throwing that state into the arms of the Soviets. When the Persian army entered Arabistan, Sheikh Khazaal proceeded to make a just evaluation of the forces at play, thereby realizing the imbalance which existed between the military obsolescence of the tribes and the modern army of Persia. Taking care to avoid the destruction of his country (43), he accepted to negotiate with Reza Khan. He did not do this himself, using the pretext of his poor state of health, but charged his son Abdel Karim to discuss the future of the Emirate. (44) Sheikh Khazaal entrusted his son with a letter for Reza Khan in which he explained the reason for his dissidence and pledged submission to the Persian powers. Nevertheless, Reza Khan continued to march. He made his entrance into Mohammarah and occupied Arabistan village by village. He also took over Al-Ahwaz and the palace of Sheikh Khazaal in which he established his headquarters. When Sheikh Khazaal was able to encounter Reza Khan, the latter appeared cordial and indulgent. He assured him that he would not jeopardize his position.
• The fall of Sheikh Khazaal
In Mohammarah, Sheikh Khazaal invited Reza Khan to his Palace in Feiliyeh and accompanied him on a tour through the Emirate. Before leaving Arabistan, Reza Khan set up a military government directed by Fadlallah Khan Zahidi. This officer stayed on good terms with Sheikh Khazaal and tried in vain to convince him to visit Teheran; a trap was then set for him.
While Sheikh Khazaal was in Basra, General Zahidi pretended to have received an order to pull out of the region ; he left Al-Ahwaz and took the direction of Mohammarah. He informed Sheikh Khazaal of this departure. The Sheikh requested confirmation of this news from the British representative in Al-Ahwaz, who reassured him. A reception was planned for the departure of General Zahidi, which was supposed to take place on the private yacht of Sheikh Khazaal anchored in the Shatt-al-Arab facing the Emir's palace. Khazaal sent for his son in Basra so that he could attend the reception. A few hours prior to it, a detachment of the Persian army came on board and proceeded to arrest Sheikh Khazaal and his son, who were deported to Mohammarah, then Al-Ahwaz and finally to Teheran. (45)
April 30, 1925 thus marks the end of the independent Arab government of Arabistan. Jean-Jacques Berreby has commented upon the occupation of Arabistan by the Persians in these terms: "The error of Sheikh Khazaal was that his emirate was located in a strategic area of the oil world which knows neither laws nor rights." (46)
Shortly afterwards, the Iranian government published a so-called declaration signed by Sheikh Khazaal in which it was indicated that:
1. The Emir of Arabistan, Sheikh Khazaal, abdicated in favor of his son Jasseb.
2. Iran had the right to oversee the internal affairs of Arabistan.
3. Arabistan nullified all of its international agreements, except those reached with Persia.
A lot has been written about the reign of Sheikh Khazaal over the Emirate of Arabistan; the observers' judgments are in great contrast, going from elaborate praise to unconditional condemnation. It is thus that Amin Arrihani, for example, considered him as "the oldest of kings, as having the reputation of most qualified and as the most generous among them". (47) On the contrary, Louis Massignon esteemed that "he took up the life of his predecessors: long days spent napping the day long in his diwan, barely heeding the reports of his secretaries and agents; nights reserved for the harem, a life of indolence interrupted from time to time by hasty skirmishes with rebels, times when he would recover the artfulness and energy of old". (48)
***
As for Reza Khan, he became master of the country; the Parliament definitively proclaimed the deposition of Shah Ahmed, who was sojourning in Paris. A new Iranian constitution was drawn up and adopted in December 1925. Reza Pahlavi became Shah in April 1926, thus inaugurating a new period in Iranian history.
Notes
(1) Akkad, Salah : "Colonialism and Oil in the Arab Gulf." International Political Review, n" 8, Cairo, April 8, 1967, p. 32 (Arabic).
(2) Curzon, Op. Cit., p. 535.
(3) Sykes, Sir Percy, Op. Cit., p. 254.
(4 Rowlinson H., England and Russia in the East. London, 1875, p. 13.
(5) Curzon, Russia in Central Asia, p. 378 ; and Najyar M.A., Political History of Arabistan 1897/IV25. Dar Al-Ma'aref Cairo, 1971. p. 188.
(6) Al-Kalkashandi, Abul-Ahhas Ahmad. "i\i/iiiynt Al-/\rh, ii Mtiurijui Aiixihu' Al-Anib" (Knowledge of the Arab Ancestors). Cairo. 1959, p. 329.
(7) AI-A/./awi Abbas, The Hixlorv oj Iraq bclwccn twn <>« KjHiliain, VIII, Baghdad, 1956. p. 38 (Arabic).
(8) Lorimers J.G., Op. Cit., I, Calcutta, p. 1627.
(9) Massignon L., Op. Cit.
(10) Curzon, Ibid., p. 324
(11) Mohammed Abdul-Amir. Maritime forces in the Arabian Gulf during tin1 XVIIlth century, Baghdad, 1966. p. 41.
(12) Massignon L.. Op. ('it.
(13) Khazaal, H.K.. Political History of Kuwait. I, p. 49.
(14) Berryne J., Op. Cit., p. 173.
(15) Wilson, Op. Cit., p. 128.
(16) Najjar, Moustapha Abdel, Op. Cit.. p. 37.
(17) Wilson, Op. Cit., p. 168.
(18) Thi-Qar is an Iraqi Department, wherein a famous battle between Arabs and Persians once occurred before that of Qadisiyah. This stirring Arab victory was praised by the Prophet Mohammed.
(19 Darwich. Bacha. Report on the demarcation of "Inrko-lranian honiuleries, Baghdad, 1953, pp. 3-5 (Arabic).
(20) Garabiyya, Abdul-Karim, Introduction to the Modern History of Arabia, I, Damascus, I960, p. 106.
(2I) For more details, cf. Zabet Chaker, International relations and border agreements between Iraq and Iran, p. 29 on.
(22) Cf. Integral text in Appendix V (p. 181).
(23) Nawar, Abdul Aziz, Modern History of Iraq, Cairo, 1968, p. 333 (Arabic).
(24) Husni, Abdl-Razzak, Modem Political History of Iraq, III, Sidon, 1957, p. 327 (Arabic).
(25) James (Felix Jones), Narrative of a journey to the frontier of Turkey anil Persia, through a part of Kurdistan. Submitted to the government on August 16, 1848. Selections from Bombay Government record n° XLIII New Series, pp. 135-213.
(26) Akkad, Salah, p. 161.
(27) Broklman, Karl, History of the Muslim Peoples. IV, Beirut, 1955, p. 166 (Arabic translation by Mounir Baalbaki and Nabil Paris).
(28) Cf. Appendix VI (p. 193) for integral text of the 1913 Protocol.
(29) Najjar M., Ibid., pp. 63-64.
(30) An-Nabhani, Al-Tuhfat Al-Nabhaniyyah, IX. Cairo. 1342 H., p. 31 (Arabic).
(31) Massignon, L., Op. Cit.
(32) This contradicts the opinion of Massignon, who described the mother of Khazaal as Persian. Cf. H.K. Khazaal, Op. cit., p. 99.
(33) Intaki, Abdul-Massih, The Vo\(if-f of Kina Hn.i.scin to the Nile Volley, Cairo, 1917, p. 207 (Arabic).
(34) Massignon, L..<)/>. (.'it.
(35) Massignon, L., Op. Cit.
(36) Az-Zarkali, al-A'lam (The Precursors), II, Cairo, 1954, p. 350.
(37) Memoirs of Reza Shah, translated by Ali al-Basri, Baghdad, 1950, p. 28.
(38) Khazaal H.K., Op. Cit.. p. 195.
(39) Memoirs of Reza Shah, Op. cit., pp. 41 and 83.
(40) Called "Coalition as Sa'adah" (Coalition of Happiness).
(41) Memoirs of Reza Shah, Op. cit., p. 41.
(42) Memoirs of Reza Shah, Op. fit., p. 83.
(43) Hachimi, Mohammed, The Three Heroes. Baghdad, 1937, p. 81.
(44) Item
(45) Sheikh Khazaal died in Teheran in 1936.
(46) Berrehy J.-J., The Arabian Clulf, p. 111.
(47) Ar-Rihani, Amin. Moulouk AI-Arab (The Arab Kings). II, Beirut, 1951, p. 186.
(48) Massignon, L., Op. Cit.
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The Iraq-Iran Conflict
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