EVOLUTION OF ARAB REVOLUTIONARY IDEOLOGY
By Elias Farah
Chapter IX
Arab Nationalism and Nationalist Theory
Writings about theory were in 1957 centered on finding solutions to a whole series of problems concerning the relation between "Arab nationalism and the nationalist doctrine", "Arab unity and nationalism", and the connection between "Arab experience and the creation of a new world". They made an analysis of the "mass content of the struggle for unity", of the "positive humanitarian content of nationalism" and the revolutionary criteria, which formed the basis of Arab policy. These solutions included organizational theory as an integral part of the new nationalist concept and concerned "the connection between the organization and action of inqilab (upheaval)" and "the Party concept".
The texts which resume the main ideas evinced in these writings are noteworthy for the particular attention they give to the progress made by Arab revolutionary ideology during the period in question, which provoked a national event of the utmost importance —the fusion of 1958.
1 - Arab Nationalism and Nationalist Theory* 179.
Professor Michel 'Aflaq adopted a critical attitude towards the nationalist concept which preceded the birth of Arab revolutionary ideology. According to him, "Arab nationalism in its accepted sense, covers a medley of thoughts, political trends, feelings, residues and both negative and positive deformations which all remove it from the genuine, creative source of its inspiration. It is true that, in its accepted sense, nationalism is sometimes a synonym of fanaticism and expansion, and sometimes a prisoner to the world of race, religion and history. All such meanings, whether of negative or positive bias, create an impediment of variable degree".
The concept of Arab nationalism in relation to revolutionary ideology and to that which links it with national theory can be seen through this criticism in its true light. Arab nationalism is "a fact which compels recognition because it states the primary conditions of all forms of nationalism", whilst nationalist theory "expresses the content of a particular form of nationalism during a specific phase". Nationalist reality is firmly anchored in facts; nationalist theory on the other hand, expresses a reality during one of many stages. The theory of unity, freedom and socialism is only the expression of the current phase in history. As Professor Michel 'Aflaq asserts, it is of little importance that, in the past, the various negative or positive meanings with regard to religion and the historic patrimony contributed to the elaboration of this form of nationalism and merged with it. What counts is the meaning that can be attributed to it today, that of "the resurgence and creation of the Arab future".
Arab revolutionary ideology can, on this basis, evolve its concept of personified truth and living reality, which cannot lapse into abstraction. It will shed off the stagnation due to backwardness and all the negative consequences of the past, avoid the deviations which arise out of pretended ignorance of the national condition — such as a return to conformity, to blind faith and escapism from real life and direct responsibility to history.
"We shall never voluntarily allow our form of nationalism to disintegrate. It can, on the other hand, only be concretized and perpetuated by our will". Professor 'Aflaq resumed in this sentence the dialectic uniting nationalism and nationalist theory, linking theory with struggle, and also defined the nationalist concept of the Arab revolutionary movement:
"Arabs today have no desire to see their nationalism degenerate into racism, and this arises out of their own experience of injustice... Arabs have no desire to see their nationalism identified with religion, because this is a specific problem, and one which cannot be of help in the unification of the Nation and can, on the contrary, divide an otherwise united group. Arabs today have no desire to see their nationalism in a historic context, for Arab nationalism does not refuse the non-Arab patrimony. The Arab Nation of today is the heir to the patrimony and to the immense riches of the Egyptian, Assyrian, Babylonian and Phoenician civilizations... We believe that nationalism protects us from the danger of resignation to environment and submission to local social conditions. Nationalism is not a stage of struggle destined to disappear with time and leave each Region to recover its own particular personality. Mutual struggle is, on the contrary, the slogan brandished by Arab nationalism which is in the process of re-birth, for it is the life-giver and the source of nourishment of strife"80.
2 - The Connection between Unity and Arab Nationalism
a) Arab unity and Arab nationalism are not the same thing. Arab unity is an element of the content of nationalism during one of many phases. The nationalist theory of Arab doctrine during the present phase is based on unity and socialism. Unity is one of the aims of the Arab Nation in struggle since it awakened to its state of fragmentation. Contrary to the widespread bourgeois concept of unity as a heterogeneous gathering together of the different Regions, the Arab revolutionary movement presents a totally new picture; unity is seen as a revolutionary idea and as revolutionary action. We must take up a new approach and a new form of struggle, hostile to fragmentation and all its artificial consequences mentality, feelings, interests and the politico-social situations existing within every Arab Region. The fight for unity must join with the struggle for freedom and the combat for socialism, for Unitarian strife includes freedom and socialism. Arab unity is "the unity of the Arab people and its fight for this aim is a popular struggle", and its future image is "defined by the liberating, humanitarian experiences which animate the combat of the Arab masses".
b) Unity is a revolution, which breaks out to end falsehood and the deformation of truth. It frees unused energies and gives rise to sound reflection. It cannot be minimized to a simple adding operation, because it is not concerned with drawing together healthy elements. It never dilutes the personality of a given part, but rather consolidates it and confers on it new creativity, new authenticity and a new reality. This transformation is accomplished by giving each element its place, and allowing it full, vibrant participation in the whole.
c) "Situating nationalism and humanism in successive chronological stages is simply a delusion. Instead of affirming that the period of nationalism is condemned to disappear and give way to that of humanism, it would be preferable to state that we are on the verge of the era of 'humanitarian nationalisms', during which nationalism grows into humanism in the measure that it rids itself of fanaticism, introversion and all its other negative aspects."
3 - The Positive Humanitarian Content of Nationalism
"The question in point is the positive picture we have of nationalism. This corresponds to the degree of maturity attained by the various human communities; it is the fruit of centuries of interaction between individuals and the natural and historic conditions they have known and which have interwoven common spiritual bonds. The most important of these —the transcendent bond— is the cultural link. This was our initial starting-point when we undertook action to bring about the aims of the Arab Nation during this phase... Its inception in no way quarreled with any other doctrine laid no claim to its superiority and found no need to deny accusations made against it. Our view of the Nation has nothing negative or emotional about it. We are concerned with its intentional aspect, its nationalist content, and all that offers it the means to elaborate its awakening on sound, efficient foundations.
"We have already stated that the most important action for Arabs at the moment resides in liberation from foreign occupation and all the evils of social injustice, which strangle them and neutralize their strength and energy, liberation from artificial division and all the reactionary impediments which cramp our reasoning powers and prevent their renewal and creativity. In other words, it is primordial for Arabs to concretize the positive content of their nationalism."
4 - The Mass Content of the Struggle for Unity 81
Unity is the expression of the fight against colonialism, against tyranny within the Nation, against class-exploitation, under-development and intellectual stagnation. The struggle for victory is an aspect of the all-over Arab combat... It was thought in some quarters that Arab unity was conceived as a conquest, the expedition of a king at the head of victorious armies or of the wealthy classes, a coercive unit enabling a cast of powerful men to impose their rule over the majority of the people and suffocate the voices crying out for liberty and justice. In fact, thanks to the link established between unity and the people's vital needs, the positive premises of Arab unity are beginning to dawn... It is the popular masses, which are today battling for unity and safeguarding its image, for suffering and hardship have long since given them immunity to all forms of fanaticism and sectarianism. As long as it continues to well out of popular struggle and expresses the needs of the masses in combat, we need no longer fear that Arab unity may take a racist, reactionary turn, introverted and isolated from the rest of the human community.
5 - Revolutionary Criteria of Arab Policy 82
a) "The present Arab concept is that of inqilab (upheaval). It believes in the need to introduce a vital transformation in the life of the Arab Nation in every sector on the political and social scene, in mental approach and in morale. Any political picture which stands apart from other sectors is superficial and would give no positive result in our struggle."83
b) "The Arab Nation has, for many years, been undergoing the phase of inqilab, and will continue to do so for many years to come. Among other definitions, inqilab (radical change) means that a Nation distorted from within and aggressed from outside, needs to muster together its sound elements, unite its efforts on the essential and take its destiny in hand... In short, the period of inqilab resembles a permanent state of war, in its true meaning with an all-over plan, clearly defined objectives, and union in action and in combat, the multiplication of effort and production, the delineation of phases and a clear distinction between what is urgent and what can wait"84.
c) "The coming to power of certain militant elements in Egypt, Syria and Jordan had the merit of contributing to a measure of progress in the direction of freedom and the preparation of unity. We must, however, be careful not to relax our vigilance, for the presence of these elements can create among the people a climate of tranquility capable of putting them to sleep. The idea of inqilab would in this way lose its force"85.
d) "Struggle is not simply a matter of rallying-calls for freedom. It cannot content itself with quarrelling over external policy. -Strife bears an intensity, which touches the simplest citizen in the smallest village, in both his living conditions and his means of existence. If these militant elements proved incapable of modifying the situation and of mustering the strength to assume the task of freeing and unifying the Arab Homeland, and to surmount the obstacles created by colonialism with intent to prevent this achievement, it would be preferable that they be removed from power; the people would be put on guard and be in a position to maintain their course and their audacity in the fight"86.
6 - The Arab Experience and the Creation of a New World 87
"The people's struggle against colonialism, particularly that of the Arab Nation (which is now the most impressive force in the Middle East), is a deep experience on account of the imprint left by colonialism over the years. The fruits of this experience inevitably contribute to the shape of the world today, for these people are the result of a measure of suffering rarely encountered in the world of the present. We need only evoke our Nation's sufferings in Algeria and Palestine to realize that a nation which has endured such injustice can no longer tolerate the presence of reaction, nor the lust for power, nor conquest, nor racial or religious fanaticism, for they have already been the victims of all these calamities. The experience of Arab and oriental peoples constitutes a real attainment. Their struggle is closely bound up with the progress made by European peoples. The maintenance of colonialism in our country condemns the peoples of Europe to isolation from the revolutionary current, to foundering in reactionary paralysis and inevitably to renunciation of their civilizing mission."
7 - The Organization and Action of Inqilab 88
a) "Without an organization entirely dedicated to inqilab, the militant power and energy of the people are useless."
b) "The organization of inqilab is a creative task which affects the living meeting-point between the fully-conscious minority and the crushing majority of the people. It enables us to gain precious time, removes the obstacles on the path of the people, totally transforms their lives and creates a new life for the Nation."
c) "The organization is a vital necessity, for it accompanies inqilab's action. It is part of action's very nature, builds upon its basic idea and will also be its guide. Without it, the militant vanguard cannot assume the weight of the task incumbent upon them."
d) "The organization cannot create out of nothing, for the movement of inqilab takes its source in the harmony between the minority militating for the accomplishment of inqilab and the crushing majority of the people. To find its full use, the organization's direction depends on the thought that goes into creating and watching over it. If the organization no longer devolves from creative thought it becomes a purely technical instrument, capable of serving Evil just as much as good. In truth, the pack of pariah-dogs uses the organization for its own ends."
e) "If the inqilab organization is to serve the cause and bring inqilab into effect, if it is to raise the Nation to the level of creativity and give it its rightful place in the civilized world, if it is to lay claim to true nationalism and to soundness, if it is to last and to succeed, it must build on a foundation of a practical order and learn from the experience acquired by the people in combat. Their experience provides us with rules and landmarks to guide us. Common general knowledge exists, with which no country, no people, can afford to dispense."
f) "The inqilab organization corresponding to our needs (which we have not yet been able to create) requires our complete dedication to the Party's activity, in order that we may acquire national experience of total strife; this can only take place through constancy, application, long practice, the confrontation with everyday problems, direct contact with the lives of the people and the solutions found to their difficulties."
8 - The Necessity of the Party
"You are aware of the quality of traditionalism and superficiality which characterized the action of patriotic movements in the various Arab Regions... We had the feeling that the beginning of a new phase was inevitable, a phase which would show the Arab Nation in a new light and enable it to shed its negative aspects... We have the feeling that a new era would give our Nation the opportunity to face its destiny and brave reality with courage and audacity" 89.
"The inception of the Baath responded to the need we felt to find radical, all-encompassing solutions to the problems of the Arab Homeland. We base ourselves on certain facts; according to them, our Homeland constitutes a single entity and its people a single Nation. We realize that the departure signal must come from within, free from external influence or any artificial theory. In view of the Nation's present state and the phase of history, which it is undergoing, we must choose the path, which is right for us and no other. The Baath is a nationalist movement; it emerges, in other words, from the very heart of the Nation. It enjoys considerable freedom because its projects and ideas are inspired by the people's needs, because it draws its strength from the support of the great majority of the population and because it is certain of being able to satisfy the Nation's requirements and improve the country's condition. Its resolutions and activities are bolder and more outspoken than those of any other party and it retains its revolutionary aims"90.
We have quoted above various texts concerning the spirit and the organization, which contributed to the enrichment of the nationalist concept out of which Arab revolutionary ideology devolved at this time. Political texts, as their titles indicate, dealt with several themes and, in turn, contributed to clarifying the Unitarian theory of the Party, as the following extracts show:
1 - A Struggle Equal to its Aims and its Dangers 91
"There are various indications that colonialism has learned the lessons of the crisis it has recently undergone, and it is in the process of trying to resolve its internal conflicts and show a united front to the Arab Homeland. We must not be surprised if it comes up this time with even more elaborate projects, reinforced by American political motives. If we are to withstand this new attack, we must pass through an even more important stage and attain a higher degree of maturity in the unification of the Arab struggle. Both in practice and in our awakening, struggle and our faith in the Nation's unity must become one and the same. We must place the problems of Arab struggle above local requirements and difficulties, in order that we may serve the great national cause. All this pre-supposes a shrewd all-encompassing, long-term plan, preoccupied by the immediate present but never losing sight of the future to which we aspire, the delineation of progressive stages and the distinction between what is urgent and what can wait... This new stage can only be reached by putting in question all foundations and current social structures which prove incapable of giving better results than they have in the past."
2 - The Algerian Revolution is a Miracle Brought about by the Arabs during this Century 92
"In its revolution, Algeria represents the Arab Nation in all its qualities, as we imagine it in the promising future of our hopes. This revolution, before launching a challenge to colonialism, launched a challenge to the Arabs. It revealed the level best-suited to their infinite possibilities, even if these have not been given full rein nor been allowed to escape from the dungeon in which they were imprisoned. Colonialism is not only at war with the revolution on Algerian soil but equally in the Suez Canal and in Palestine, because it is fully aware that the Algerian revolution is an Arab revolution which heightens the quality of the Arab struggle and increases its energies in each and every Region."
3 - The Battle Within and the Battle Without are Two Fronts of the Same War 93
"The Arab Nation only approaches humanity by augmenting its sincerity and the determination with which it attacks essential problems. The time has gone when the Arab cause presented only negative aspects, when it was fragile and lacked genuine principles, was eternally on the defensive and called upon to refute endless accusations... The Arab cause today identifies itself with the freedom of Man, which it places above all else. With every day that passes, the Arab people in struggle pay the price exacted with their own blood. The Arab Nation's struggle has reached maturity and equilibrium. It is a single battle, limpid and creative. There is absolutely no difference between our fight against colonialism and that against the ills, which corrupt us from within, between action towards our nationalism and freedom and our effective contribution to the freedom of the world. The resistance manifested by the Arab Nation in its fight will not only ensure its progress and everlastingness but will enable it to denounce the monstrous lie represented by Western countries."
4 - "Algeria and Palestine are the Two Flanks of Arab Revolution” 94
"By full realization of the nature of the present stage, Arabs will cast off fear, bad conscience and get rid of disseminators of doubt. The Tightness of their direction will give them increasing confidence in themselves and greater determination.
"The nature of the phase they are undergoing is becoming evident through two serious phenomena —the Algerian and Palestinian catastrophes. The Arab struggle, which has reached a determinating revolutionary level and the Arab future, with its general humanitarian principles, spring from these two wounds which stain the heart of the Arab Nation— Algeria and Palestine. Here the Arabs have known the deepest human suffering. From this point onwards, the face of our future struggle is made clear. The Algerian revolution made such a positive contribution that it imposed respect on all free men of the world. In Palestine, colonialists and Zionists came to an agreement to expatriate our people and uproot them from their lands. They claimed, and continue to claim, that Israel was born to go on living, but the Arab people replied: Israel is condemned to disappear, and with it colonialism."
5 - "Only One Road Leads to Unity"95
"Confusion and ambiguity can no longer be tolerated with regard to unity and the way to attaining it. Unity has become a self-evident fact, synonymous with freedom, for colonialism fears it beyond all else. Unity has also become synonymous with progressivism within the Nation, for reaction joins with colonialism to stem the reclamations of the people... wherever fragmentation, colonialism, tyranny and reaction are to be found. Iraq, which was the first country to hoist the flag of Arab unity, has become completely isolated and has withdrawn into itself. This is the fault of the reactionary Class. The reactionary monarchy in Jordan brought the country to disaster just when it was on the point of bringing about unity with Syria and Egypt. The reaction in Saudi Arabia was not, in fact, hostile to unity alone, but also used its influence and commercial supremacy to combat unity throughout Arab territory... We can thus see that unity is not reclamation to be isolated from a real situation and essential social conditions, but is rather itself the expression of such conditions. Given the internal and external situation of the Arab Nation, unity is faced with a single path that of freedom, progress, political and social strife, which is the path of the Arab masses."
6 - Towards an Arab Awakening to Inqilab 96
"During the last few years, the Arab Nation has assuredly made appreciable progress on the path of revolution and resurgence... The primary cause of this advance —and the most important— is the appearance of a new concept of Arab nationalist action which, even if not yet reaching the level of its theory in clarity, in its relation to other theories and its over-all dimension, does in fact possess the necessary minimum to achieve the above. We can reduce this new theory to two essential ideas. It must, in the first place, be based on the people, seen as the only efficacious revolutionary force... The Arab cause must, in the second place, be viewed as a well-constructed, indivisible whole... The rising Arab movement must, moreover, be worthy of its doctrine; this is a vital necessity, on which the soundness of our future depends. Even if it is incapable of forging the future, theory, by introducing new elements into strife —such as urge and planning and the preparation of adequate conditions— makes an important contribution to its creation. It must in no way prohibit adaptation to new and unexpected conditions, but must, on the contrary, in spite of its elasticity and capacity for adaptation, guarantee the continuity of political orientation. The existence of objective rules and sound foundations, readily accessible to the greatest number of simple men is indispensable, for they will thus be in a position to watch over the experiences of the people in combat and will be able to gauge the measure of progress made and the rectitude of the path. An instrument will be created for the people to test themselves and, at the same time, test their leaders."
7 - "The Fusion of Egypt and Syria Fortifies Revolutionary Orientation and Guarantees its Lastingness" 91
"The Arab Nation provides the most fertile and favourable conditions in the world today for the outbreak of revolution; here revolution would reveal the full intensity of the Nation's suffering and its internal and external contradictions... We have always looked on Arab unity as a revolutionary aim, even the most revolutionary of aims, particularly with the adjunct of our popular concept, inspired by the very nature of the phase in history the Nation is undergoing. This enables us to kill two birds with a stone — to free ourselves from colonialism and from reaction at one and the same time. We have seen the realizations of pseudo-union (the aim of which was rather to put the people to sleep than to help it to adhere to concrete realizations) suffer an affront and fall into an ever greater measure of decadence as the concept of popular unity became more evident and more important. For the first time, we feel that one of our cardinal national aims is out of danger. Its imminent realization in a sound national form has become ineluctable, and hostile external forces can no longer prevent it, now that it has become the property of the popular forces of Egypt and Syria."
8 - "Positive Non-Alignment" 98
"The Ba’ath movement has from the beginning, appealed for neutrality. By the force of time and local and international events, non-alignment has acquired a positive form, as can now be observed among many Asian and African peoples. This form of neutrality does not find its only justification in political and economic campaigns, but can rather be explained by our attitude towards freedom and the international politico-ideological conflict to which we are witness... The adoption of non-alignment policy by a vast popular front throughout the world indicates a refusal of belligerency and the recognition of the need for peace. The success of non-alignment policy so far is an explicit sign of cardinal political blunders and the great danger inherent in a policy of alignment and the narrow horizons of shared ideology. Positive non-alignment policy denotes aspiration to a new, general attitude, transcending the opposition of socialism to capitalism and centering itself on the problems of humanity and international relations, more than was evident in the past. Is it possible to benefit from all the evolutions and transformations, which have taken, place since the cold war, and particularly since the crystallization of the division of, and conflict between, the Eastern and Western blocs? Such an attitude presupposes a degree of objectivity towards all ideologies in order that all theories and doctrines and their consequent plans and methods, can be re-examined... If non-alignment policy is to be fully understood, it must be adapted to the natural stages necessary for the development of the national struggle from every aspect. If duty compels us to mobilize all available forces to drive out colonialism and realize socialism as rapidly as possible, this urgent necessity must nevertheless avoid becoming an end in itself; we must not pay the price of it by adhering to the Eastern bloc or neglect the need for the people's maturation in strife, for they are alone capable of furnishing the means to guarantee our acquisitions. Positive non-alignment is an attitude of a civilizing dimension, and is both new and creative. It tolerates neither blind fanaticism for any particular doctrine nor blind opposition to any given regime or philosophy. Its task is to avoid the outbreak of a conflict between democracy, in its widest accepted sense, and social justice."
9 - Arab Nationalism and Freedom Policy"
"Arab nationalism has reached such a degree of maturity that we need no longer fear for it. It can now open out to the different ideological currents and give and take with them. Unexpectedly, such an opening out nourishes and strengthens it and helps it to define its own particular characteristics. There is no longer any reason —as was the case ten or twenty years ago— to fear that its life could be endangered by other ideological conquests. This is today no longer justified. We must bear in mind that every time fear is expressed about Arab nationalism being confronted with Communist ideological propaganda, the real objective is, in fact, the invention of a pretext to alter the direction of Arab freedom-policy, which has so far been adopted... It is important, in this connection, to note those who fear that our nationalism and ideology may fall under the influence of triumphant Communist ideology and colonialist propaganda... The greatest danger, which challenges our ideology and nationalism, comes from colonialist conspiracies, which are unknown to us, but represent a threat to the Nation's existence. The real peril for nationalism does not arise out of intellectual contact with Communist ideology but from colonialism and the diverse means it uses to ensure that freedom policy should, in certain Arab Regions, be mixed with apprehension of the international Communist menace... Arab nationalism today finds itself confronted with a new colonialist danger, which can be perceived in American policy; here, there is no hesitation to use force, corruption of collusion. With intent to strike a blow at free Arab nationalism, the United States exaggerates the danger of Communism's intellectual conquests, in the hope of making us forget the dangers of colonialism itself and of Israel."
10 - "Let us Unify the High Command of the Arab Struggle"100
"On account of the unlimited means at the disposal of the United States and the consequent pressure they can bring to bear and the degree of corruption they can exert, colonialism has confided to them the leadership of their intensified campaign. This state of things obliges us to elaborate a new concept and new preparations, which will be equal to the danger confronting us. Political co-ordination so far realized between certain Regions in struggle is no longer adequate, and should, in fact, be aimed at the total political unification of liberated Regions. The unification of the high command of popular strife throughout the Arab Homeland is equally indispensable. The sound, internal front we need necessitates a complete breakaway from practices of the past, which confined themselves to making a distinction between the wide majority and the small clan of colonialist henchmen. While the Arab freedom movement remains sincere and decided, we must make the most of it and make a break with this minority. As long as it retains its genuine, revolutionary character and aspires to building the future on just and healthy foundations, the Arab freedom movement must accept this ideological rupture with regard to social and spiritual values, even if all the doctrines in question accord in serving the same vital, decisive cause — the freeing of the Homeland. The cardinal criterion which must be our guide and enable us to deepen the Party's existence compels us to define first priorities and so avoid giving importance to any aim which is not an immediate imperative and might therefore, become an eventual cause for disagreement. We must; secondly, closely co-ordinate national objectives during this stage and so avoid ambiguity and motives for dispute, contradiction or backsliding. This is a stage for national liberation in every Region of the Arab Homeland."
11 - "The Arab Struggle against Colonialism and Zionism" l0l
"This is, above all, a stage for national liberation. This means that the crushing majority is ready to participate in the struggle and find a common ground of understanding, in spite of differences of opinion and interest, even if the hour has not yet struck for the realization of all-over Arab unity and the establishment of a perfect socialist system. There are two indispensable conditions for this understanding with regard to liberation, if it is to be genuine and produce a decisive result. We must make practical progress towards unity and gradually undertake agrarian reforms. The phase of liberation is one of revolution; but it is just the brink of revolution and no way represents the totality... Colonialism and Zionism are the declared enemies of the Arab freedom movement. We see them in two incomplete and distorted guises. The Rightwing front attacks Israel tooth and nail to cover up the truth of colonialism. The opposite faction puts Israel and colonialism into the same bag.
"Israel, for us, constitutes a base for colonialism, but this does not cover all aspects of the matter. It is a fact that Israel embodies the power of international Zionism, which is it a colonialist movement, but it is also an independent movement capable of using colonialism in turn for its own advantage. Our struggle against colonialism must be duplicated by a struggle against Zionism... If we do not get down to facing our political problems and realizing unity in a revolutionary method and spirit in conformity with inqilab (upheaval), the solution to the problem of Israel will not only be deferred but will give this entity the opportunity to consolidate its integrity in such a way that it will be difficult, well-nigh impossible, to make an end to this danger."
12 - "The Major Historic Step "102
"As long as they are united in a single fight, the two countries must find and understanding. The policy of Arab liberation has, on this basis, expressed the hopes of the Arab people and their aspirations for freedom... for unity and progress, and for the consecration of unity in the struggle they are enduring towards the realization of these objectives... We are today making a major historic step, not only in the lives of two Arab countries but also in the lives of all Arab peoples. We refer to the fusion of Egypt and Syria, which is the result of the struggle of both countries in their heroic fight for liberty in the face of Israel and colonialism. The Arab people in Egypt and Syria consider this fusion as a confirmation of their victories and a base from which they can protect their existence and freedom and attain their objectives freedom, over-all unity and a socialist society."
According to the political and theoretic writings which have recorded cardinal ideas and observations, it appears that Arab revolutionary ideology has, by endowing it with a greater measure of precision and clarity, contributed to the evolution of the nationalist Unitarian concept from which it devolved.
The following are the stands, which have given form to new principles: the recognition of the real bonds between colonialism and Zionism, the co-ordination of nationalist strategy and theory, the highlighting of the need for an opening towards Marxism, the clarification of the positive ideological content of non-alignment and the modification of the concept of international evolution seen as a result of neutrality, the revolutionary nature of Egypt and Syria's step towards unity, the definition of our new concept of nationalist action and the revolutionary path to Arab unity, the delimitation of the present phase and the determining of its nature, insistence on the international dimension of the Arab Nation's struggle, confirmation of the impossibility of dissociating struggle, internally and externally, together with a critical attitude towards the stage reached by the Arab struggle... Theoretic writings and the objective evolution observed during this period enabled these stands to develop fully. By bringing to an end the legend of the "fatality of fragmentation" and emerging into a new era, born with the fusion of 1958 —that of Arab unity— we have reached a critical moment in the life of the Arab Nation.
NOTES
79. Michel 'Aflaq: Following the Baath; 4th Ed. p. 179.
80. Michel Aflaq: Following the Baath, pp. 179-183.
81. Id: Ibid; pp. 61-66.
82. Michel 'Aflaq: The Battle for a Unique Destiny; pp. 61-142-I145-146.
83. Id:/6id;p.610.
84. Id: Ibid; p. 142.
85. Id: Ibid; p. 145.
86. Id: Ibid; p. 146.
87. Id: Ibid; p. 176.
88. Following the Baath, pp. 93-98.
89. Following the Baath; pp. 47-50.
90. Following the Baath, pp. 50-54.
91. Id: Ibid; pp. 142-146.
92. Id: Ibid; p. 147.
93. The Battle for a Unique Destiny; pp. 154-157.
94. Id: Ibid; pp. 159-164.
95. Id: Ibid; pp. 165-169.
96. The Battle for a Unique Destiny; pp. 170-172.
97. Id: Ibid; pp. 177-187.
98. Following the Baath; 4th Ed. pp. 346-351.
99. The Bath's Struggle. Part III, pp. 266-267. 162
100. The Baath's Struggle, Part III, pp. 269-273.
101. Id: Ibid; pp. 278-283.
102. The Baath's Struggle, Part III, pp. 295-297.