From Al-Moharer Archive 1998

The articles below written by Susan Bryce and published in New Dawn No. 48, May-June 1998. 

Weapons of Mass Destruction
The Real Threat

By SUSAN BRYCE*
The United States sold biological agents such as anthrax and botulinum to Iraq shortly before the Gulf War. These 'weapons of mass destruction' have become the justification for crippling sanctions against Iraq and the ever present threat of attack from the US and its running dogs. With the cold war over the US is manufacturing new enemies in the Arab world so that it can continue pursuit of a New World Order lead by American hegemony.

Much has been said of late about Iraq's 'weapons of mass destruction' — the fashionable term for chemical, biological and nuclear weapons: little has been said about such US arsenals. In fact, the USA has the world's largest stockpile of chemical, biological and nuclear weapons; successive US administrations are responsible for selling 'weapons of mass destruction' to many countries — both friend and foe.
A recent documentary, broadcast by Britain's Channel Four, cited US intelligence documents showing 14 consignments of biological materials were exported from the United States to Iraq between 1985 and 1989. These included 19 batches of anthrax bacteria and 15 batches of botulinum, the organism which causes botulism. The report said the exports, backed by the US State Department, were licensed by the Department of Commerce.
The Channel Four report also revealed that Britain sold Baghdad large quantities of the antidote to nerve gas as late as March 1992. Iraq also obtained 10 tonnes of nutrients for growing germs from a British company in the early 1980s.1
Iraq's procurement of so-called 'weapons of mass destruction' should be placed in perspective. Iraq, along with many other Arab countries, armed themselves with a variety of weapons to counterbalance "Israel's" nuclear capacity. "Israel" — with the full backing of the United States — has threatened to use nuclear weapons against the Arabs, including Iraq. Arab states have long been prevented by both "Israel" and its backers from developing any sort of nuclear capacity. Back in 1981, "Israel" — again with the full backing of the United States — bombed Iraq's Osirak nuclear reactor. The arrogance of the attack warned the rest of the Arab world not to develop a nuclear capacity, even if such a program was for civilian use. In this context Iraq, like other developing countries, procured biological and chemical weapons, the so-called 'poor man's weapons', as a deterrent and counterbalance to "Israel's" massive arsenal. Ironically, most of these weapons were purchased from the United States, the world's major manufacturer and supplier of chemical and biological agents.

THE US CHEMICAL AND BIOLOGICAL STOCKPILE — "Cum Scientia Defendimus"

The United States holds the world's largest stockpile of Chemical and Biological Weapons (CBW), enough to kill every human 10 times over. The arsenals, managed by the Chemical and Biological Defence Command, are located at 127 sites around the country, the main repositories being Tooele, Pine Bluff, Umatilla, Johnston Atol, Anniston, Newport, Pueblo, Aberdeen and Lexington.
These centres are not just store houses for CBW, they house missiles tipped with chemical and/or biological warfare agents, ready for launch. They pose a threat not only to the enemies of the US but American citizens. The notorious Pine Bluff recently made headlines (17 September, 1997), when a M55 Rocket malfunctioned, leaking the nerve agent GB (Sarin) into a storage igloo at the centre.
And last year, at the Anniston Chemical Agent Disposal Facility, the site of "reconfiguration" operations, where employees repackage 4.2 inch mortar rounds containing mustard (blister) agent; employees detected "strange smells" in the bay area where the rounds were being uncrated. Alarms were manually activated, and employees evacuated. A press statement later brushed off the incident saying: "It was quickly determined that the most likely source of the odour was a malfunctioning sewer line".
In December 1997, the Chemical and Biological Defence Command triumphantly announced that it had destroyed the two millionth pound of GB nerve agent (Sarin) in its liquid incinerators at the Tooele Chemical Agent Disposal Facility, currently the only full-scale operational chemical agent disposal facility in the continental United States. Considering that the US measures its stockpile of chemical weapons in thousands of tonnes, one can only imagine that the liquid incinerators will be working overtime to meet the demands of the Chemical and Biological Weapons Convention into the 21st century.
WHO IS USING 'WEAPONS OF MASS DESTRUCTION'?
At a press conference on 17 February, 1998, President Clinton discussed "the threat posed by Saddam Hussein's weapons of mass destruction". The perceived 'threat' of Iraqi CBW has been widely propagandised through the elite media in western countries. Not so well publicised are the facts about the use of such weapons by America, the only country ever to use nuclear weapons against another nation.
The USA has a long history of exposing its own people to chemical and biological agents. These tests, involving radiation, chemical and biological agents have been conducted in secret by the Army, Department of Defense, Department of Energy and the CIA, to name a few. The testing was conducted from the mid 1940's to this present day.
Leonard Cole, in his book Clouds of Secrecy documents numerous experiments using biological and chemical weapons which were conducted on unwitting Americans. Between 1949 and 1969, the US Army sprayed 239 populated areas from coast to coast with biological warfare agents or simulants.
The US track record with regard to radiation testing is also appalling. The grim reality of US government radiation experiments was bluntly summarised in the 1986 congressional sub-committee report, "American Nuclear Guinea Pigs: Three Decades of Radiation Experiments on US Citizens". The report, shelved by the Reagan administration, describes federal government sponsored radiation experiments, conducted on more than 23,000 American subjects, in about 1,400 different locations, during the 30 year period from World War II. The experiments were conducted without participants informed consent.2
The first time the 1972 Biological and Toxic Weapons Convention was invoked was in August 1997, when Cuba made a complaint to the UN offices in Geneva, accusing the United States of sprinkling the US-blockaded island with the larvae of crop destroying insects in an act of biological aggression.
In documents filed with the UN, Cuba reported that it had caught the US biological warfare operation red-handed, when the pilot of a Cuban airliner spotted a small plane registered to the US State Department releasing "a white or greyish mist" over a huge State farm in Cuba's Matanzas province. Two months later, the potato crop on the sate farm became infested with a plague of Thrips Palmi Karay, a tough, crop killing pest which thrives in sub-tropical climates, previously unknown to Cuba.
The State Department admitted its aircraft, a fumigation plane, with the ability to drop pesticide aerosols, liquid particles or solid particles on crops, had flown from Patrick US Airforce base in Florida, over Cuba en route to Bogota, Colombia, where it was to be used in the supposed eradication of illegal narcotics crops.
The US pilot said he had seen the Cuban airliner flying below and following caution and safety procedures, used his plane's smoke generator to indicate his location. The Cuban pilot, previously a fumigation plane pilot, assured the ensuing UN investigation that the release was not smoke.3
In another form of biological warfare, the United States was accused of spreading the flesh-eating screw worm fly inside Libya. The epidemic, which lasted from 1989-1993, resulted in the deaths of thousands of livestock. With the help of the United Nations Food & Agricultural Organisation, Libya eventually eradicated the fly, but suspicions remained as to why only Libya suffered from the outbreak. Blame fell on the United States which has a long history of aggressive actions against Libya.
A news report issued on 14 January, 1998 from the United Nations warns of a new outbreak of the dreaded screw worm fly in Iraq. The Food and Agricultural Organisation said 50,000 animals in Iraq were infected by the parasite in December 1997 alone, compared to 31,000 infected during the previous 15 months. The UN is sounding the alarm bells as the break out is turning into another major epidemic. Is it coincidental that both Libya and Iraq have suffered from screw worm, countries regarded by Washington as 'rogue states'?

INSPECTION TEAMS

The latest Gulf crisis was precipitated by a series of events involving inspection teams checking various parts of Iraq for 'weapons of mass destruction' and the teams' proposal to locate 24 hour surveillance cameras within the confines of eight "Presidential Sites" (palaces).
The inspection teams were headed by US personnel, operating under the guidance of Australian diplomat, Richard Butler, Chair of the UN Special Commission (UNSCOM). Butler, whose style, Kofi Annan once described as "television diplomacy", is well known for his abrasiveness. On 27 January 1998, only days after high level discussions with Iraqi officials, Butler was quoted in the New York Times as saying Iraq had enough biological material to "blow Tel Aviv away", and then later admitted that he could not "take you today to a place in Iraq and say there's the missile that could do that thing". In his role as chief weapons inspector, Butler is supposed to be unbiased and impartial.
The Russian UN Ambassador, Sergey Lavrov chastised Butler and instructed him to inform the Security Council about UNSCOM suspicions before talking to reporters. Ambassador Lavrov also told Butler UNSCOM did not have accurate information about the status of Iraqi weapons programs and the Iraqi Government should be presumed to cooperate unless proved otherwise.
In his statement on the 2 March, 1998, Kofi Annan announced that he would personally appoint senior diplomats to work with UNSCOM members. Many commentators believe that the appointment of such diplomats will quell any future divisive and inappropriate statements from Butler.
WHAT'S GOOD FOR IRAQ ISN'T SO GOOD FOR THE USA
Iraq is not the only nation concerned about the operation of inspection teams seeking out 'weapons of mass destruction'. US multinational drug companies have voiced their concern about moves to police the UN's 25 year old ban on biological weapons.
Drug and biotechnology companies in the US and Europe are currently off the agenda of inspection teams; but under a European Union proposal to strengthen the Biological and Toxin Weapons convention, any site capable of producing micro-organisms in large quantities would have to be opened up.
Companies and research institutes that were involved in producing antibiotics, biological pesticides and insecticides, protein-based food additives or enzymes would have to stand up and be counted; inspections could be conducted at short notice by an international team of experts. American companies have been most vocal in their opposition to proposed inspections, claiming their commercial secrecy could be compromised. The US has some 90 percent of the world's pharmaceutical production capacity, and it would suffer most from any compliance regime.
In another display of hypocrisy, the United States quietly struck out the names of Cuban and Iranian nationals from a UN arms inspection team due to probe US military chemical weapons facilities later this year. "Ironically, the US is exercising the same right it refuses to concede to the Iraqis," an Asian diplomat told IPS news agency. "The United States may have the right to do so under the existing Convention, but it is interesting to note that Iraq is virtually fighting for the same principle."


SANCTIONS:

THE QUIET KILLERS

"Sanctions have added greatly to the Iraqi people's suffering."
— Kofi Annan, 2 March, 1998

US Secretary of State, Madeleine Albright, recently urged all nations to 'play by the rules' of international conduct. Presumably, Albright was referring to the rules set by the USA. What happens to countries who don't play by these rules? In the case of Iraq, not playing by the rules has meant attack, invasion, bombing, harassment, and plundering.
Apart from these direct military actions, Iraq has been penalised through an appalling regime of sanctions. The word sanctions conjures up the idea of a few trade barriers and decrees about what can and can't be imported into a particular country; but sanctions are an extremely powerful weapon in the US foreign policy arsenal and have had crippling effects on Iraq.
More than a million Iraqis, half of them children are believed to have died as a direct result of the US bombing water and sewage plants during the Gulf war, and sanctions ever since.
According to UNICEF, 4,500 children die each month in Iraq. Many children are dying needless deaths simply because basic supplies of food and medicines are unavailable. To date, over 300 items are the subject of sanctions in Iraq. The items include children's toys, canvas, carpets, baking soda, bath brushes, children's wear, dolls, forks, hairpins, handkerchiefs, magazines (including scientific and medical journals), mugs, music cassettes, musical instruments, paper for writing, wrapping and printing, pens, plates, sandals, soap, skirts, spoons, toilet paper, and wastepaper baskets. A complete list of sanctioned items can be found on the Internet at the Hands Off Iraq site.4 
There is little evidence to show that sanctions are an effective tool for achieving political or military reform. In its paper "Economic Sanctions Reconsidered", the prestigious Institute for International Economics surveyed 115 cases of economic sanctions between World War I and 1990. The survey found, "the success rate (of sanctions) depends on the type of policy or governmental change sought. Episodes involving destabilisation succeeded in 52 per cent of the cases, usually against target countries that were small and shaky. Cases involving modest goals and attempts to disrupt minor military adventures were successful 33 per cent of the time. Efforts to impair a foreign adversary's military potential, or otherwise change its policies in a major way, succeeded infrequently. Sanctions are seldom effective in impairing the military potential of an important power, or in bringing about major changes in the policies of a target country."5 (emphasis added).


THE NUCLEAR NIGHTMARE

— NOT DEAD YET

With the end of the cold war, the world collectively sighed with relief as the nuclear threat ended. But has it? Recent advances in missile technology have forged a new generation of nuclear missiles.
On 23 April, 1996, Harold Smith, Assistant to the Secretary of Defense for Atomic Energy announced plans for a pre-emptive US nuclear strike in Africa. The target: a 'suspected' chemical weapons plant being built underground, 40 miles southeast of Tripoli, Libya. No evidence was presented to prove the charge, accept for a fuzzy satellite photograph of the suspect site. Libya says the site in question is part of its Great Man-Made River project, and has been backed up by the construction company working on the project! Libya has also invited US inspectors to visit the site, but the invitation has gone unheeded.
Smith told a press briefing that a new earth-penetrating nuclear bomb, the B61-11, could be ready for use by the end of the year. The new nuke, affectionately known in Pentagon circles as the "Bunker Buster", is designed to destroy underground factories or laboratories while causing relatively little surface damage. The nuke can burrow as deep as 50 feet into the soil.6 Under the Comprehensive Test Ban Treaty, the US pledged to honour its commitment to halting the development of new nuclear weapons. The Pentagon claims that the B61-11 is not a new weapon but a "modification" of an old weapon. It now appears the United States is looking to invent a scenario in which it can test its latest weapon of mass destruction.

MODERN TIMES — MODERN HYPOCRISY

The threat posed by 'weapons of mass destruction' did not abate when the cold war ended. These weapons remain a grim reality as we enter the next century. Even as you are reading this, public health authorities, military and defence personnel in your country are planning how to cope with the aftermath of a variety of biological and chemical warfare attacks, and reviewing existing plans, should a nuclear strike occur in your capital city.
We all know that 'weapons of mass destruction' are repugnant to humanity, we also know that these weapons are possessed by many countries, corporations and individuals throughout the world. While attention is focused on 'rogue states', who don't 'play by the rules of the game', we must seek deeper truths, expose hypocrisy and rally against propaganda to avoid an international agenda dominated and controlled by the ruling elites in the United States.

References

1. New York Times, 26 February 1998.
2. Nexus magazine, February-March 1998.
3. Green Left Weekly, 18 June 1997 & Morning Herald, 27 August 1997.
4. http://www2.one.net.au/~newdawn/iraq.htm
5. http://www.iie.com/execsum.htm#ninecom

6. http://www.earthisland.org/journal/f96-20a.html

A CHRONOLOGY OF AGGRESSION

The use of propaganda as a tool of war plays a major role in the ongoing US conflict with Iraq. The founder of public relations in the United States, Edward Bernays described his profession as the 'engineering of consent', believing that public opinion could be scientifically moulded. Several key incidents in the recent past, provide evidence of Bernays techniques at work in the 1990s..
August 2, 1990 — Iraqi forces invade Kuwait. US president George Bush declares that Iraq has its sights on Saudi Arabia.
September 11, 1990 — President Bush addresses a joint sitting of Congress revealing that 120,000 Iraqi troops with 850 tanks had poured into Kuwait and moved south to threaten Saudi Arabia. But according to a report in the St. Petersburg Times (6 January, 1991), the same day President Bush addressed congress, satellite photos taken by a Russian commercial satellite failed to back up his claims of an imminent Iraqi threat. In fact, there was no sign of a massive Iraqi troop build up in Kuwait.
September 18, 1990 — Pentagon says Iraqi forces around Kuwait have grown to 360,000 men and 2,800 tanks.
October 1990 — Witnesses told the US Congress of human rights violations committed by Iraqi troops who had invaded Kuwait. One described how soldiers had taken babies out of incubators in neo-natal hospital wards, seized incubators for removal to Iraq and "left the children to die on the cold floor".
November 1990 — Similar testimony was given to a public forum sponsored by the UN Security Council. The 'baby incubator story' was given wide media coverage, and was taken up and repeated in some six speeches by the then-American President, George Bush. Undoubtedly it played a catalytic part in triggering the decisions eventually taken by the Congress and the UN Security Council to support the Desert Storm military operation to drive the occupying Iraqi forces from Kuwait.
January-February 1991 — American led forces bomb Iraq and conduct a ground war to force Iraq to withdraw from Kuwait. US forces use “smart bombs”, which frequently miss their target, destroying civilian homes and domestic essentials such as water and sewage lines. Thousands of innocent Iraqi civilians die in bombing raids, to which the US military command refer to as "collateral damage".
March 2, 1991 — UN votes Iraq must disclose data on 'weapons of mass destruction'.
April 3, 1991 — Iraq told 'weapons of mass destruction' must be destroyed.
1992 — It was revealed that a group called Citizens for Free Kuwait (backed by the Kuwaiti royal family) had paid the giant American-based Public Relations firm, Hill and Knowlton, some $11 million for a major campaign to persuade the United Nations and the American government and people to go beyond sanctions, to intervene militarily to "free Kuwait". Hill and Knowlton coordinated and coached Kuwaiti 'eyewitnesses' who revealed human rights violations, including the 'baby incubator story'. This incident had originally been fabricated in a 5 September report to the London Daily Telegraph by exiled Kuwaiti housing minister Yahya al-Sumait. At the 10 October Congressional Human Rights Caucus, Hill & Knowlton produced “Nayirah”, a fifteen-year-old Kuwaiti, to provided testimony that was later used in the Citizens for a Free Kuwait media kit. In her passionate account of atrocities in Kuwait city, she stated: "I saw the Iraqi soldiers come into the hospital with guns, and go into the room where 15 babies were in incubators. They took the babies out of the incubators, took the incubators, and left the babies on the cold floor to die." It was not asked why she didn't bend down to pick up one of the dying infants, and it was not revealed that Nayirah was the daughter of Saud al-Sabah, Kuwait's ambassador to the United States.
August 1992 — No fly zone established over south of Iraq, justification being to stop alleged air attacks on Shiite Muslim rebels. No Fly Zone enforced by US and allied patrols.
January 26, 1993 — More than 100 US, British and French planes attack radar sites and missile batteries in Iraq. So called "smart bombs" miss their targets again, causing scores of civilian deaths. One cruise missile struck the Al Rashid Hotel killing two hotel service employees. US intelligence agencies believed Saddam Hussein was to attend an international Islamic meeting in the Al Rashid at the time.
June 26, 1993 — President Bill Clinton orders missile strike on Iraq intelligence headquarters citing weak evidence of Iraqi plot to assassinate former president George Bush. US plot to assassinate Saddam Hussein not mentioned. US succeeds in killing dozens of civilians including the internationally known Layla al-Altar, artist and Director General of Iraq's National Centre for Arts, and her husband when a missile hit their home.
October 7, 1994 — Iraq moves troops towards Kuwait and then pull back after the US dispatch of a carrier group, 54,000 troops and numerous war planes.
September 3-4, 1996 — US launches missile against Iraq posts in South Iraq, after Iraqi military ventures into a Kurdish 'safehaven'.
November 1997 - Iraq expels US arms inspectors.
November 20, 1997 — Iraq agrees to allow UN inspectors, including Americans, to return.
January 13, 1998 — Iraq expresses concern over American UN arms inspectors.
January 16, 1998 — US-lead UN inspection team departs Iraq. Other inspectors continue their work.
January 29, 1998 — US Secretary of State, Albright tours Europe and Middle East to drum up support for actions against Iraq. Albright receives a lukewarm response from all Arab states, including Kuwait and Egypt.
February 6, 1998 — US flexes its muscles in the Middle East, sending 2,200 US marines to Gulf. Australia sends 200 SAS operatives. The UN has not passed any resolutions authorising military action against Iraq.
February 11, 1998 — Iraq offers to open eight Presidential sites to inspections conducted under direct authority of UN Security Council for 60 days. Washington dismisses proposal.
February 20, 1998 — UN secretary Kofi Annan travels to Baghdad to find a peaceful solution to the crisis.
February 23, 1998 — After 3 days of talks in Baghdad Kofi Annan and Iraq sign a deal allowing full access to so-called Presidential sites.
March 2, 1998 — UN Secretary General, Kofi Annan declares: "The mandate of the Security Council has been reaffirmed. The full and unlimited access of United Nations inspectors to any and all sites (in Iraq) has been restored."
April 4, 1998 — UN weapons inspectors announce that inspections of Iraq's so-called Presidential sites are completed. No weapons of mass destruction are found.

* Susan Bryce is an investigative journalist and researcher whose interests include issues which affect individual freedom, environmental health, surveillance technology and global politics. She can be contacted c/- Mapleton Post Office, QLD 4560.

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