The Strategic Plan towards Unity during the 1950s
Chapter VI
Dr. Elias Farah
Nationalist thought entered a new era in the 1950s. Arab revolutionary action now went beyond the stage of elaborating a strategic framework and began to envisage the strategic plan for the achievement of unity.
Nationalist thought began to concretize in projects aiming at the unification of two or more Arab Regions. This development was inaugurated in 1950 by a project for the union of Syria and Iraq and crowned by the project for the federation of Syria and Egypt in 1958. It decisively influenced the political strategy of different parties, progressive and reactionary, as well as the positions of the different Arab governments. The realization of unity became the central axis around which the movement's policy revolved during the 1950s. This is the period we now intend to examine.
As we follow the stages in the evolution of nationalist thought in the framework of Arab revolutionary ideology during this period, we note the following facts:
1. In 1950, Arab revolutionary ideology had to reply to the cardinal question: What strategy is to be employed to achieve unity? There was no longer any question of offering purely theoretical answers, destined to fill a gap in the by fierce discussions and ideological combats among “nationalist non-socialist” movements, “socialist anti-nationalist” trends and the new Arab revolutionary “nationalist-socialist” current of thought. The question now assumed a practical aspect, relating to real situations in which unity could be achieved.
2. In a series of articles on the concept of inqilab* (“Upheaval”) and “National Resurgence,” Professor Michel Aflaq defined the strategic imperatives of the Arab struggle of the time.
These should draw their inspiration from the following principles:
a) Combat is a suitable means for the creation of an instrument for the achievement of unity.
"How can a united Nation be built except by ferocious, arduous, exhausting struggle, impelling every member of the Arab Nation to plunge deep down within himself and rediscover it in toil and suffering?"
b) In this particular phase, struggle is, at one and the same time, an action-method and an aim to be achieved. “Strife is the practical expression of the theory of ‘upheaval,’ which is in no way limited to ideological struggle. For the Arab citizen, it is not simply an action-method, but an end in itself. Out of strife, and strife alone, Arabs will retrieve their sense of real life and the unity of the Arab Nation.”
c) Only struggle, going beyond present contradictions, can enable the realization of unity.
“How can we make the transition from a given state of things to its diametrical opposite if we limit ourselves to transforming only the outward aspect of things, without changing their essence? We cannot reach the deep nature of things without accepting suffering, division from within the very heart of the Nation, and without accepting the violence of war; these trials are in no way comparable to those endured in a war declared on the most ferocious of enemies. Upheaval finds in strife its true significance, its only real significance; it is a struggle dividing the Nation into two camps —that of immobility, of opportunism, defending its own personal interests in opposition to the holders of the new theory, who are waging a battle against the decadent state of the Nation. The Ba’ath is the straightforward product of this battle.”
d) Revolution is the only road that leads ineluctably to unity:
“Upheaval is thus the only road that leads to the new society we wish to build. There is no question of one means among many others; it is the only one. We are fighting lies and corruption on the political and social scene, not only with a view to end all this and transform the situation, but also to enable the Nation to recover its unity in struggle.”
e) The realization of Arab unity and of upheaval guarantees the elaboration of an organization faithful to the spirit of upheaval.
“The upheaval to which Arabs aspire offers us the means to create an adequate instrument, of both genuine and efficient nature, enabling us to realize our national aims in a spirit in tune with its requirements.”
f) True unity will never see the dawn without the struggle for freedom and socialism, which give it its full significance.
“For Arabs, unity is the law and the supreme objective. For it to become possible, for the road which leads there to be sound, for the tree to bear fruit, the Arab people must step towards Freedom and socialism.”
g) Popular struggle is the adequate, efficient means to ensure the realization of national objectives.
h) From an organizational point of view, the Arab Ba’ath Movement has not yet reached a satisfactory stage, worthy of its mission and capable of attaining its national objectives.
“The Arab Ba’ath Movement has so far rendered two great services to the Arab cause. The first was the definition, conciliation and harmonization of the Arab Nation’s aims. The second was the tracing of the true path which would ensure the realization of those aims. There is, however, an even more important task than either of these —the creation of an efficient, genuine, satisfactory instrument enabling us to attain our aims in a spirit in conformity with the exigencies of upheaval. We can say that until today the Arab Ba’ath’s action has confined itself to orientation —the creation of an intellectual, psychological climate and predisposition favorable to the idea of radical change. Among the members of the well-organized Arab Ba’ath Movement, mutual confidence reigns; they ardently believe in its action and will not fail to prove their worth.”
3. In 1950, the watchword calling for unity between Syria and Iraq made its appearance, and obtained the adhesion of two opposing factions. The first of these envisaged only a superficial form of unity, safeguarding the interests of the class in power. The second made use of mass-logic and revolutionary criteria. The enthusiasm aroused by this appeal in reactionary bourgeois parties, gave “petit-bourgeois” parties of a progressive regionalist character an opportunity of, and a justification for refusing the watchword and for attacking it, and using it as a slogan to serve the interests of the royal family and that of British colonialism, which imposed its domination on Iraq in pursuance of a treaty guaranteed by the presence of British military detachments stationed in the provinces of Habanyya and Cha'iba. It thus became the proletarian revolutionary movement’s duty to take a stand with regard to the appeal, in order to overcome progressive trends hostile to unity and opposed to its spirit and realization. It found itself compelled, moreover, to denounce the favorable attitudes towards unity adopted by a certain type of bourgeoisie, with the intention simply of increasing its own “living-room”, promoting the feudal class and making use of the powerful reactionary bourgeoisie and the domination of British colonialism. In this way a new impetus would be given to the reactionary royal regime.
The Party’s declaration published in No. 346 of the Ba’ath newspaper on January 9th, 1950 , states the strategy of the approach to unity, the theoretic principles of which had been laid down in Professor Aflaq’s writings. It is a highly important document with regard to the evolution of the Arab revolutionary movement’s national concept of unity. It defines the conditions to be fulfilled in any work towards unity within the Arab revolutionary movement and, at the same time, denounces errors of the Right (favourable to unity) and of the Left (hostile to its realization), together with the dangers of both attitudes. It lays down the theoretical and practical action-methods which guarantee freedom and progress for nationalists fighting for unity.
The definition of these conditions arises out of a global analysis of the Arab Nation’s situation since the Palestine disaster of 1948, and an examination of the conditions peculiar to the two countries in question (Syria and Iraq). The Party’s declaration stressed the following points:
a) For Arabs, unity is a law and a supreme objective.
b) The way to unity can only be sound if the Arab people make a further step towards freedom and socialism.
c) The war with Palestine revealed to the Arabs that the feudal, reactionary nature of their under-developed social system was the fundamental cause of their defeat.
d) The retrograde, reactionary feudal class is lagging behind the movement towards unity because it creates and accentuates division to further its own interests.
e) The establishment of a republican regime is a vital matter for the Arabs in their present condition. Its consolidation by unification is a necessity if it is to be preserved from deformation and falsification, and if its weaknesses are to be resolved.
f) The Arab people, as a result of the Palestine disaster and the failure of the Arab League, aspires to the creation of a federation between Syria and Iraq; but foreign intervention and the dominant classes aim at the execution of a reactionary colonialist project.
g) The Arab Ba’ath is opposed to any union which would represent a menace to Syrian independence, to the republic or to this country’s freedom. It calls upon committees of popular strife to fight for sound unity, capable of creating favorable conditions for its own expansion and elaboration.
h) The federation of Syria and Iraq is now a fact, and constitutes the first step towards Arab unity. It must, however, offer the following guarantees:
1. Nationalism and freedom.
a) It must never become the instrument of political, economic or military domination in the service of the interests of any foreign power.
b) The treaty with Great Britain must be modified in such a way as to allow Iraq to achieve total independence.
c) Cooperation in the military field must in no way threaten either the autonomy or the security of the Syrian Army.
2. It must be progressive, in that;
a) The destiny of unity must not fall into the hands of reactionary or feudal classes.
b) The republican regime must continue to follow its progressive socialist orientation without fail and in a definitive way.
The importance of this statement, which takes its place as a historic document, requires the full reproduction of its text:
The Ba’ath's Reflections on the Problem of Unity with Iraq
"Unity and the Republic are the two cornerstones of Arab freedom. All committees for popular struggle should brandish this slogan in order that the union of Syria and Iraq may be placed at the service of the people."
Under this title, the Ba’ath published the following historic declaration:
"The Arab Ba’ath has given the contemporary Arab movement its true theoretical and practical form by defining its objectives: freedom, socialism and unity. For the Arab people, unity is the law and the supreme objective. It is, however, indispensable, in order for this to take place, for the way to be sound and for success to be achieved, that the Arab people make yet a further step towards freedom and socialism. The war with Palestine has opened Arab eyes to the principal defects undermining their society. They have realized that plots hatched by foreign governments and their own lack of preparation for war was not the only causes of defeat. This was, in fact, essentially due to the retrograde structures of their feudal reactionary society. They have realized, moreover, that social structure has been the major obstacle to unity. The very nature of the feudal class-system is based on contention among personal interests of the families and clans in power. These elements exploit and subjugate the people, make use of clan-weakness and their submissiveness to colonialism, with which they find themselves obliged to collaborate."
None of this, however, explains away fragmentation. This is the most decisive factor, for it permits the maintenance of the decrepit feudal system and favors the perpetual interventions and conspiracies of colonialism. If the unity to which the Arab people aspire is to be protected from colonialism and feudalism, the two calamities which threaten its existence, it is certain that it cannot take place from one day to another or even in the immediate future. Unity must be attained gradually. Arabs must, in practice, go forward at a reasonable pace and accustom themselves to the idea as far as possible. They must respect the conditions assured by the appropriateness of the popular progressive path, which will surely lead them to their aim. They must always bear in mind that these steps are only a small beginning, but one which can enable them to extend the struggle, realize total unity and realize the true path to the goal.
Unity and the Republic
The confusion reigning in popular Arab circles concerning the two fundamental principles of Arab life today —unity and the republic— and rumors concerning eventual disagreements and contradictions are, in fact, simply the outcome of intellectual obscurantism and lack of knowledge, which are alone responsible for the apparent incompatibility of two principles which are destined to co-exist and to complete each other. The republic does not represent for Arabs another form of power. It organizes social life in all its aspects, representing above all the symbol of freedom in its widest sense: individual freedom, freedom in general —the right of the people to exercise power and guide the affairs of State in full sovereignty; and it signifies, most particularly, genuine equality of rights for every citizen, the abolition of exploitation of Man by Man and class exploitation in the field of economics. To be absolutely clear, the republic is synonymous with all forms of freedom, not only because it pre-supposes obligatorily the realization of progressive, socialist aims, but also because of its greater adaptability and its ability to bring them into effect. In present conditions, this is a vital matter for the Arabs. If Arabs are to be faithful to the value they attribute to the Republic, and its place in their lives, it is their beholden duty to preserve it from deformation and falsification. It must be consolidated by unity, by drawing the Arabs ever closer to each other. The establishment of a liberal regime in a small, isolated country does not enable it to flourish, to stand firm or to use its potential to the full. Solitude and fragility expose it to reactionary forces and colonialist enemies, both within and without, and it becomes a phlegmatic wraith, incapable of production.
Colonialism and its henchmen have tried to make the most of the apparent incompatibility between unity and the Republic. They have not failed to exaggerate the facts, and have created confusion in peoples’ minds about the uncertain outcome of a task of such national magnitude. They have given to colonialist interests a patriotic and nationalist flavor in order to divide the Arabs and rear them up against each other, so creating apparent discord over Nationalist aims. However, this deceitful game in fact covers up for colonialist enemy interests and designs. The Ba’ath is, therefore, convinced that its most sacred duty is to denounce these projects in the light of its principles and delineate the true, positive path which it is the people’s obligation to trace out for themselves, if they are to detect and outfox colonialist conspiracies and progress in the march towards unity, freedom and socialism.
Union and Isolationism
In Syria, as elsewhere, people laid great hopes on the Arab League, but little by little hope dwindled until the time of the Palestine disaster. From then on, they began to think in more realistic terms, of more realizable projects, such as union with another Arab country, a neighboring land with similar characteristics, like Iraq . However, foreign schemers and the clans in power, aided by their henchmen, made up of professional politicians, opportunists and mercenaries, found an opportunity in both countries to carry out a specific project to ensure British colonialism's continued hold on Syria and enable the feudal class to expand its power and increase its exploitation. And in addition to all this, the republican regime was to be sacrificed, with all its potentialities and all its guarantees —the one regime able to offer the majority of the Arab people the means of political, social and economic freedom.
This situation forced enlightened national groups, who were faithful to the path of national unity and were maintaining a sound direction (with its certain outcome) to deepen their attitude and oppose any formal union likely to threaten Syria's independence, its republic and the evolution of its structures towards a relative form of freedom —a solution which would entail no real improvement and ensure neither the consolidation of union between the two countries nor assure the prosperity of its people. Union , in the eyes of these groups, would be incapable of responding to the national will, of avoiding for the Nation the danger of a new form of foreign colonization or of reaction in political and social life, unless committees for popular struggle rallied to their watchword in both the countries concerned. Union could not take place unless these committees enforced conditions previous to its realization and traced out the line to be followed. It was for them to draw from popular strife, with the pressure it was capable of exerting, the necessary force to impose union.
There is a considerable difference between the above attitude, arising out of sound nationalist thought and the motives which animate most of these professional politicians and mercenaries who, under the pretext of defending republican independence, do everything in their power to prevent union from taking place. It is, in fact, an open secret that foreign states, with colonialist aims, are opposed to union, because they see in it an obstacle to renewed domination of Syria and the execution of their plans. Whatever the conditions involved, union is for them a means to fortify the Arab position. It would be a direct threat to certain countries, such as Israel , and an indirect menace to others, such as France and the United States of America , who fear the domination of their British rival. They also fear that union may prevent them from putting their plans into execution, for colonialist countries are fully aware that the vitality of the Arab people confers on them the means to transform any union into a decisive step towards total union and, with time, into an ever-increasing force, capable of perpetual adaptation to circumstances and the creation of progressive structures to which the entire Arab people aspire.
In a similar manner, and following the example of many Syrian politicians, who abandoned their principles and adopted colonialist views, thereby opposing union, in order to gain ministerial posts and ensure their personal interests, several Arab governments and royal families sacrificed the supreme interest of the Nation to their own self-interest and struggle for power. They rival with foreign states in maintaining the present situation in Syria, with all its inherent dangers.
The Party's Stand
The Ba’ath states its position concerning the above trends in accordance with the following principles:
1. The Ba’ath’s aim is the realization of total unity under the aegis of a progressive socialist program.
2. Any union susceptible to realization in such conditions should represent a decisive step, a promise of the final aim.
3. Popular strife is the right path and offers the maximum guarantee for the realization of the national objective.
The first steps to be taken will alter the course of events. If they follow the correct path, they will lead to expansion and reinforcement. If they are erroneous, they run the risk of leading to retrenchment and extinction.
In view of propitious geographic, social and national conditions, on the one hand, and the national requirements imposed by the dangerous proximity of the Zionist state, on the other, the Party considers the union of Syria and Iraq as a first step towards Arab unity. It also considers that, in order to take the step which will give results in the present circumstances, we require two guarantees.
The first is Nationalism, where the people need not have fear. Union will in no way lose control of its destiny on the political, economic and military plane, and will never allow it to fall into the hands of a foreign power. The Party exacts the revision of the Treaty between Great Britain and Iraq in order that the latter shall acquire full independence. Moreover, the terms of this treaty should be limited to Iraq only and in no way concern Syria . Military co-operation should endanger neither the independence nor the security of the Syrian Army.
The second is Progressivism, also where the people need not have fear. Union will not provide an opportunity for their exploitation or their submission to the domination of the feudal reactionary class. The Party lays down the condition of a formal guarantee of the permanent maintenance of the republican regime and its progressive socialist orientation in Syria . It is not to be considered as a temporary stage, to end at a later date in a monarchy. This condition pre-supposes the alternation of Syria and Iraq as a Head of the Union.
A Rallying Call
In the light of the present situation, marked by political confusion in Syria and a deviation from the criteria of the Nation's interest, and in view of conflicting currents, which are rather revealing of rivalry between colonial powers than of fundamental disagreement between the country's sons, the Arab Ba’ath firmly believes that it is its duty to take a stand, and represent nationalist policy in the highest sense of the term, and do all in its power to unite all the elements which are devoted to its cause and totally discard foreign proposals and influence. It hereby invites these elements to join its ranks, in order that colonialist endeavors may be repulsed and the people may regain confidence once more in national aims and their own ability to achieve them, without any obligation to become beasts of burden in the service of foreign interests and mercenary politicians.
Notes
* Inqilab is an Arab word of great significance, often repeated in the Ba’ath political vocabulary and the language of its founder. It is one of the most forceful ideas of the Ba’ath ideology and is derived from the Arab word "Qalaba" —to overthrow or overturn something— and in everyday political terms, designates the overthrow of a given situation or set-up. It implies a far-reaching multidimensional phenomenon which should ideally give rise to the total resurgence of Arab civilization.
20. Michel Aflaq: Following the Ba’ath, 3rd Ed. p. 159-185.
21. Id.Ibid.: p. 288-298.
22. Id. Ibid. The Arab Ba’ath Stands for inqilab (Upheaval or radical change), p. f 160.
23. Id. Ibid. “Arabism and the Movement Fighting for Inqilab,” p. 173-174.
24. The Ba’ath’s Struggle, Vol. II p. 34.
25. Id. Ibid, Vol. II p. 38.
26. Following the Ba’ath: “The Organization of the Movement Fighting for Inqilab.” 1950, 4thEd.p. 71.
27. The Ba’ath Newspaper. No. 346
The Revolutionary Arab Ideology