The Revolutionary Concept of Arab Unity
Chapter V
Elias Farah
In the light of the previous facts, Arab Nationalism appears in the new framework of revolutionary ideology in two different aspects: On the one hand, as a total realization of the present Arab experiment’s importance, i.e. its link with its own past, problems of the present and future, in addition to harmonized concepts of Unity, Freedom and Socialism; and on the other hand, a practical stand, faithful to the fight to bring these objectives into being.
Abstract theoretical analysis, taking no account of the specific Arab reality, can in no way assist us to understand the meaning of Arab Nationalism. Neither can it be understood by reference to already-existing prototypes elsewhere, which tend to express a different historic context and reflect the fundamentals of a different kind of society, other times, other regions of the world, and local and international conditions of a different order.
It can, in the words of Professor Michel Aflaq, be said to be "A living experience, incapable of being understood by reason alone."
1 - It is not an abstract theory; neither is it a philosophy, but rather the theoretical and practical expression of the movement of Arab contemporary history. It faithfully conveys the Arab Nation's needs and aspirations for unity, its revolt against fragmentation and all the factors contributing to its perpetuation. Arab Nationalism can only be understood in the light of an analysis of the Arab condition and its intrinsic contradictions, and by increased awareness of the living, historic bond linking together the past, the present and the future. We must perceive the thread running through the particular evolution of the Arab reality, through the resolution of its inherent contradictions and the general evolution of common experience in the Third World as a whole. In other words, the content of Arab Nationalism can only be understood through a scientific, analytical examination enabling us to grasp the historic phase in its entirety and draw the necessary conclusions. It is only through a revolutionary stand, encouraging the struggle for radical change in the present situation, that this can take place; Arab society will then evolve on healthy foundations.
2 - Abstract theory, neglecting to take the above elements into account, could only fall into error: it deviated on account of an incorrect view of Nationalism. It makes confusion between "Nationalism" and "Nationalist Theory," indicating an experience already undergone, whilst Arab Nationalism is an experience in the making. Concept and experience of Arab Nationalism are complementary. They co-exist; they are interdependent and provide each other with mutual inspiration, because the concept of Nationalism belongs to the dialectical system constituted by this current experience. Thus, to fully understand the present historic movement of the Arab Nation, we can no longer content ourselves with adaptations of nationalistic theories, drawing their inspiration from previous events. Examination and formal analysis of Nationalism and its various aspects close themselves off in the restricted framework of verbal definitions and controversies. This formal method is held prisoner to abstract dialectics, and is able to offer only a superficial and incomplete idea of Arab reality, for it forgets the dialectical movement, which is its essence.
Arab Nationalism is a movement of strife. The Arab nationalist is a man fighting for the unity and freedom of the Arab Nation and for the establishment of socialism. Only struggle on the dual plane of theory and practice offers us the means to fathom living experience and draw the necessary conclusions.
3 - Fragmentation and under-development, class-exploitation and colonialism ineluctably confer on Arab Nationalism and its combat-methods a revolutionary character; it thus refuses all partial reform and all superficial solutions. The enemies of Unity, Freedom and Socialism are well represented by an imperialist system, a Zionist movement and a well-established Reaction, and their interests are in flagrant contradiction with the line of action of the Arab movement in its struggle. Contrary to the pattern in advanced countries, the under-developed live in a state of perpetual crisis, because their inherent contradictions have reached a point of culmination, no longer acceptable either from the point of view of logic or of morality. They cannot, for this reason, envisage solutions of partial reform.
In advanced Western societies realization of progress does not necessarily imply upheaval, but, for the Arab Nation in its present stage, progressive reform would be a total anomaly, a sickness leading to disaster. Our needs are such that upheaval is the only solution and must stand as an integral part of our ideology. It is the only remedy capable of treating the disease. It is a measure aiming at the radical, violent transformation of the ailing body; only a new condition will enable the body to purge itself of illness once and for all.
4 - Arab Nationalism is, on the one hand, a national "freedom" movement, fighting a deadly battle against colonialism. It is, on the other hand, a humanitarian trend, in that it has chosen to join with freedom experiments the entire world over. It opposes colonialism and its inherent defects —fanaticism, tyranny and oppression.
Arabs hunger for national restructuring, for the unification of the various Regions, and for freedom from foreign domination. Their nationalism has nothing to do with fanaticism and cannot tolerate oppression. A race which has known injustice, fragmentation and foreign domination can accept neither tyranny nor violation of the rights of others.
5 - Arab Nationalism is a progressive trend. Its chosen objective is to rescue the Arabs from under-development and avoid its hampering consequences in their forward march towards progress.
The greatest service Arabs can render humanity is to raise nationalism to a higher level. It is their duty to annihilate all forces opposed to progress by combating colonialism and exploitation and creating propitious conditions for the improvement of human life.
These principles, which were our guide during the first stage of the evolution of nationalist thought in the framework of Arab revolutionary ideology, saw the parallel rise of the Arab revolutionary movement on a practical level; being animated by the same principles, it improved combat-methods.
Between 1940 and 1947, the movement distinguished itself by a number of stands and watchwords, which enabled Arab revolutionary ideology to make the transition from theory to strategy and practical action, and define the new direction to be followed henceforward by combat.
In 1941, the movement, which was then called "The Movement of Arab Resurgence," organized a supporting campaign in Damascus for the Rashid 'Ali Al-Kaylani revolution in Iraq, in which it participated.
In 1945, it mobilized rising revolutionary forces to oppose Roosevelt’s declaration authorizing the emigration of American Jews to Palestine.
During the same period, it made severe criticism of the Charter of the Arab League, and denounced the organization for inefficiency.
In 1946, it took the lead in manifestations of support for Egypt in its struggle for independence and the withdrawal of British troops. It protested against the pact between Jordan and Great Britain and called on Arabs to launch once more their fight in Palestine. It also protested against the French Government's crimes in Morocco.
All this represented a concretization of the nationalist concept and nationalist strategy, associating the struggle for freedom with nationalist combat, and establishing a direct internal link between the two. In this way, the concrete struggle of the Arab revolutionary movement acquired a global character of national impact, enabling it to reveal itself as a truly national movement and to expand throughout the entire Arab Homeland. Arab revolutionary ideology thus, from the very beginning, took on, apart from its theoretical principles, considerable political and organizational importance. It watched over the creation of the Arab revolutionary movement. Since 1943, when the Ba'ath announced its noble, nationalist motto:
"One Arab Nation with an Eternal Mission"
It declared its faith in the Arab revolutionary movement and its adherence to it; nationalist principles have evolved as follows:
1 - The Arab cause is one and indivisible.
2 - Total Arab unity is the aim of Arab struggle.
3 - For each and every Arab Region, real independence is that which leads towards national unity.
4 - Any stand in favor of unity requires that the cause of the Arab Nation be considered one and indivisible. Any solution to regional problems must take into account the common interest of the Arab Nation in its entirety.
5 - Organization on a national scale is the essential condition, which will enable the Unitarian struggle to reach its objective.
On April 7th 1947, the Arab revolutionary movement adopted the name of "The Arab Ba’ath Socialist Party." A new era began, during which theoretical, political, economic and social principles were defined. Arab revolutionary ideology crystallized around the theory "Unity, Freedom and Socialism," and in 1948, the Arab Ba'ath Party declared in its Constitution its basic principles:
Essential Principles
First Principle: The Unity and Freedom of the Arab Nation
Arabs make up a single Nation. It is their natural right to live in a country common to all and to choose their destiny freely. In consequence, the following is what the Arab Ba'ath believes:
1 - The Arab Homeland constitutes an indivisible political and economic entity. No Arab Region can postulate that, by isolating itself from others, it can achieve improvement of living conditions.
2 - The Arab Nation is a cultural entity. Any particularity dividing its sons is, in fact, a false obstacle and a factor in the awakening of Arab awareness.
3 - The Arab Homeland belongs to the Arabs. It is for them, and them alone, to determine their way, to command their riches and choose their destiny.
Second Principle: The Personality of the Arab Nation
The Arab Nation has the merit of being the lone artisan of its resurgence, which is one of perpetual evolution. It is noteworthy for its versatility, its creativity, its fertility of mind, its capacity for renewal and rebirth. The rhythm of its resurgence is permanently linked to the evolution of personal liberty, and reconciles the full development of the individual with the interest of the Nation. The Arab Ba’ath thus believes that:
1. Freedom of expression, the right of public meeting, freedom of conscience and artistic liberty are sacred. No power has the right to violate them.
2. All citizens must have the benefit of equal opportunity; their value depends apart from all other considerations, on their efforts towards the prosperity and the forging of the Arab Nation.
Third Principle: The Arab Nation's Mission
The Arab Nation is entrusted with an eternal mission. This has become apparent throughout the successive stages of its history in new and complementary aspects.
It aspires to the renewal of human values, makes all possible attempts to stimulate the progress of Man, to favor understanding and co-operation between nations. It is for these reasons that the Arab Ba’ath considers that:
1. Colonialism, and all that supports and facilitates it, is a criminal act to be opposed by Arabs with every means at their disposal. They intend to support in the full measure of their material and moral potential, all races fighting for freedom.
2. The interest of humanity is universal. All values and all civilizations have similar objectives. The Arabs draw their nourishment from the common source of world civilization and contribute to it in their turn. They stretch out their hand to other nations in a gesture of brotherhood and co-operate with them in the creation of lawful systems guaranteeing to all races fulfillment, peace, nobility of heart and moral values.
General Principles
Article 1
The Arab Ba'ath Socialist Party is of national dimension; it has sub-divisions in every Arab Region. It takes an interest in regional politics only in the measure that they serve the supreme interests of the Arab Nation.
Article 3
The Arab Ba'ath Socialist Party is a national movement, convinced of the living, permanent reality of nationalism. Nationalist feeling, born from awareness of the close link between the Nation and the individual, is an object for deep respect, and is animated by prodigious strength. It prompts to sacrifice and encourages in a man both a sense of responsibility and the humanitarian urge to put his convictions into practice.
Article 6
The Arab Ba'ath Socialist Party is one of upheaval. It is convinced that only upheaval and strife will enable it to reach its cardinal aims —the resurgence of the Arab Nation and the establishment of socialism. It is fully aware that any form of slow evolution and any manner of incomplete or superficial reform constitutes a danger liable to prevent the realization of its objectives and lead it infallibly to its doom. It is for this reason that it has taken the decision to:
a) Fight foreign colonization, in order that the Arab Nation may attain absolute, total freedom.
b) Fight to unite and re-group all Arabs in an independent state.
c) Rise up against the present state of degradation and overthrow every aspect of its intellectual, economic, social and cultural life.
Article 7
The Arab Homeland is the part of the earth occupied by the Arab Nation. Its natural frontiers are delimited by the Taurus Mountains, the plateau of Iran, the Gulf of Basra, the Sea of Oman, the Mountains of Ethiopia, the Sahara Desert, the Atlantic Ocean and the Mediterranean.
Article 8
Arabic is the official State language for the wording of texts, for education and for the use of citizens of the State.
Article 9
The flag of the Arab countries is that of the Arab Revolution, which broke out in 1916, the objectives of which were the liberation and unification of the Arab Nation.
Article 10
An Arab citizen is a man who speaks Arabic, has lived on Arab territory, desires to go on living there and believes himself to be a part of the Arab Nation.
The above principles, which gave rise to the first Constitution, sprang for the most part from nationalism. Its various national components constitute a united group, working for its own good, i.e. for the well-being of humanity, as seen through the values of present-day civilization. This vision of things takes form through the creation of true systems guaranteeing sovereignty, justice, well-being, peace and higher morality for all peoples.
All that is said above provides us with the elements enabling us to gauge the present Arab condition as an abnormal and inhuman situation and one which we refuse. We affirm the Arab right to constitute a Nation, a single State, and to establish a free, advanced system, capable of rendering to the Arab Nation its ability to serve humanity and contribute to its progress.
This vision of things, which stems from the Nation's confidence in its own potential and in its ability to add to the flourishing of humanity, is in full agreement with the categorical rejection of colonialism on both a national and a world-wide scale. Colonialism is a crime and Arabs are fighting it with all the means at their disposal.
According to the principles laid down by the Constitution, nationalism is a civilizing act of revolution. It is in total contradiction with the divided state of the Nation, opposed to foreign domination, to the presence of colonialism and all external authority. On the basis of these principles, the Arab Ba'ath Socialist Party decided to launch an attack on fragmentation, colonialism and Zionism.
Towards the late 1940s, the Palestinian problem became the focus of events. The Party was the first to brandish the slogan of armed combat, which it had succeeded in transforming into a popular, militant concept and later into a revolutionary method. The Party's participation in the battles of 1948 and in revolutionary stands denouncing the political comedy played by various Arab governments at the time responded to the Zionist-Colonialist project which had previously been prepared. The Party's declarations testified to its numerous pledges in favor of struggle. The titles of its articles demonstrate its stand and the decisive revolutionary perspectives it proposed:
"The knell has tolled. Palestine can only be saved by fire and the sword."
"Let us save Palestine and mobilize the masses."
"Palestine, as a result of the partition, is threatened on all sides."
"The Arab people will not stop at refusal of the principle of partition. It is decided to rid Palestine of Zionism for ever."
"Arabs must master the situation before colonialism intervenes and before it is too late."
"Let us take occupation of Palestine as our objective. Altercations cannot safeguard us from an ever increasing menace."
Towards the end of the forties, progress was seen on two fronts, the strategic and the organizational. The concept of unity began to gain ground and its theory began to take shape through the steadfastness of its strategy's general lines, its initial stands and the means to be employed to bring about unity. Precise proposals were already able to give satisfactory answers to the following questions:
1st Question
How can we begin our march towards unity?
Reply
By mutual struggle against colonialism on the scale of the Arab Homeland in its entirety
2nd Question
What will be found at the end of the road?
Reply
The creation of a single, independent Arab State
3rd Question
What will be the instrument of the struggle towards unity?
Reply
Unitarian organization on the scale of the Arab Homeland
4th Question
What conditions must be fulfilled by such an organization?
Reply
It must fulfill the conditions which will enable the creation of the society for which we are fighting.
Articles published by the Party accentuated the factor capable of responding to the essential requirements born from an objective view of underdevelopment and the divided state of the Arab Nation. In this connection, Comrade Michel Aflaq, the founder of the Party, asked:
"What is the essential difference between the Party role in a Nation such as ours, living in a condition such as our own, and the role of the same Party in other nations, living in totally different conditions? What should be the true face of the Party our Nation requires?"
He gives the following reply:
"In a country enjoying a healthy, normal situation, only the faulty exercise of government can come under accusation. It is usual for various parties to come into being and prepare public opinion over a certain period of time and convince it of their correct attitude, with the result that any given party, once in power, is in a position to rectify errors of government in the various sectors. The present condition of the Arab Nation is, on the contrary, the result of deep perturbation and a disorganization of the Nation's life. It is, therefore, the duty and the mission of any party seeking to gain our confidence and respond to the vital needs of our country, to apply the same remedies to the Nation that it would apply to the State.
The Party must be a true image of the Nation to which we aspire. The real, living party, ready today to transmit a message to the Arab Nation is that which aims at the creation or the resurgence of a Nation. Such a party must, however, give first priority to these conditions. In other words, both the party and its members must in their methods be imbued with the same moral qualities they desire to inculcate in the future society and the means they use to achieve their objectives must correspond to these criteria. It must be the party of upheaval. It must prepare its militants and show proof of its fidelity to the idea of upheaval, not only in its aims, its programs, its means, methods and organization on paper, but in its approach, in its heart and in its new morality."
Nationalist theory of unity followed the same evolution on an organizational plane as on that of strategy, giving the Party its true significance and defining both its nature and its role. On July 2, 1947, in a statement to the Homs sector in Syria, Comrade Aflaq affirmed:
"More than all others, the Ba'ath is an Arab Party that does not stop at recognizing Arab thought. It conjugates all its efforts to be an Arab Party of national importance, covering every Region and providing adequate solutions to Arab problems, which are part of an indivisible whole. It takes an interest in regional problems only in the measure that they reflect Arab national interest."
The reproach, which can be made with regard to the Arab revolutionary ideology's evolution during the period in question, is that it failed to put into practice organizational theory, independently of the regional state of things. It was already the end of the 1940s before the movement acquired full control of its national organization. In fact the notion of organized national leadership only came into being in the middle of the 1950s. This could be attributed to the fact that the Arab revolutionary movement had, during the period of its constitution, concentrated its attention on ideology rather than on strategic and organizational aspects. It gave particular attention to endowing new revolutionary action with a healthier attitude. In this sense, they made no mistake, for it was this preparatory, theoretical phase, which gave the Arab revolutionary movement its full impact. It might well have taken even longer. This theoretical stage could, nevertheless, have found a complement from the very beginning, in a system of national organization.
Notes
12. Michel Aflaq: Following the Baath, 1943; "La Pensee Abstraite," p. 139, 4th Ed.
13. Michel Aflaq: The Duty of Nationalist Action. 1944, p. 78
14. Id; Ibid. "The Arab Mission ," 1946 p. 139-145.
15. Id; Ibid, 1946 p. 139-145.
16. Michel Aflaq: The Baath's Struggle, Vol. 1.
17. Michel Aflaq: The Ba'ath's Struggle. Vol. 1. 2nd Ed. p. 227-243.
18. Following the Ba'ath, p. 153-158; article headed. The Party of Upheaval, 1949.
19. The Ba'ath's Struggle, Vol. 1. p. 159-160.
The Revolutionary Arab Ideology